Nowhere is the moral fragmentation of American evangelicalism more apparent than in many white evangelicals’ frail embrace of the right to life.
According to the pro-life position, all persons—including both born and unborn persons—have a “right to life,” and that right should be protected by the force of law.
But many evangelical Christians who self-identify as “pro-life” are also healthcare libertarians.

According to healthcare libertarians, we shouldn’t have laws that ensure widespread access to healthcare—or the taxes and administrative burdens that would follow upon such laws.
Healthcare libertarianism is demonstrably at odds with the pro-life position.

Imagine that the Smiths conceive a child—‘Baby Smith’. On the same day that Baby Smith is conceived, the Roes conceive a child—‘Baby Roe’.
The Smiths’ income places them around the poverty line. Because they desperately need the money, Mrs. Smith continues working at her stressful and physically demanding job throughout the pregnancy.
Stress is a risk factor for preterm term labor. Poverty (which happens to be stressful) is a distinct risk factor for preterm labor. So let’s suppose that Baby Smith is born exactly 32 weeks after conception, which is two months before his due date.
Baby Smith’s outlook is good, provided he receives appropriate medical care—a few weeks in the NICU at minimum. But Baby Smith will die without extensive and costly medical intervention.
So it is unfortunate for Baby Smith that his parents don’t have health insurance.

For our purposes, it doesn’t matter why—maybe neither of the Smiths qualify for health benefits at work and they can’t afford a plan on the individual market. Or maybe they’re just irresponsible.
(Nor does it matter that the Smiths might exploit legal loopholes in order to secure medical treatment for Baby Smith. The point is that the Smiths don’t have health insurance and they can’t pay the NICU bill. So Baby Smith isn’t straightforwardly entitled to receive care.)
Now, on the very same day that Baby Smith is born, Baby Roe’s parents walk into an abortion clinic with the intention of aborting Baby Roe—two months before Baby Roe's due date.
According to the pro-life position, both Baby Roe and Baby Smith have a right to life that should be protected by the force of law. Both are persons; and both will die if no one intervenes.
But healthcare libertarians claim that there’s no reason why *the government* should intervene to enforce Baby Smith’s right to life—they say, e.g., the Smiths could petition a charity for financial assistance. There's no need to enforce Baby Smith’s right to life once he's born.
But that would mean that it is up to private citizens to protect Baby Smith’s right to life—which is problematic, since there's no reason why Baby Roe’s right to life should be protected by law, but not Baby Smith’s.
If intervention from private citizens is an acceptable enforcement mechanism for Baby Smith’s right to life, then why shouldn’t Baby Roe’s right to life be safeguarded by the moral suasion of picketers outside abortion clinics, or friends and family, etc.? What’s the difference?
One popular answer is that Baby Roe’s right to life requires legal enforcement because Baby Roe is defenseless. But Baby Smith is equally defenseless. And so is every child, in the sense that no child is capable of providing for his own survival.
So if Baby Roe’s right to life should be protected by law because he’s defenseless, then Baby Smith’s right to life should be protected by law as well—and so, for that matter, should every child’s right to life.
A natural objection here is that Baby Roe’s situation is different because his right to life is under immanent threat by people who are attempting to kill him; and we need laws to stop the killing. This isn’t true in the case of Baby Smith (or infirm children more generally).
But according to the pro-life position, persons have a right to *life*, not just a right to not be killed.

So if you’re a healthcare libertarian and you can’t identify any morally salient difference between Baby Roe and Baby Smith, then you shouldn’t claim to be pro-life;
or you should stop being a healthcare libertarian and advocate for laws that protect the right to life—even if it means you have to pay more taxes, etc.

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More from @scott_m_coley

3 Dec
I saw some folks on this website today having big feelings about Christians who note the hypocrisy of the sort of “pro-life” position that favors legal protection for the unborn while opposing measures that would, e.g., expand access to healthcare for children.
The complaint is roughly that Christians (like me) who worry about this kind of hypocrisy have drawn a false moral equivalence between permitting the active termination of unborn life and, e.g., permitting a child to perish in the natural course of some untreated infirmity.
But as far as my own views are concerned, moral equivalence is totally beside the point.

In my view, the salient point is *integrity*. Before elaborating, I think it will be helpful to clarify exactly what integrity means and why it's important.
Read 10 tweets
2 Dec
Good question.

I don't make such an assumption; and my reasoning doesn't implicitly depend on such an assumption.

I'll elaborate.
There are a number of moving parts here, so it's important to be clear about the relevant contrast class. I think 'willful taking of human life' is suitable.

But 'espousing an economic policy' obscures what's at stake.
The salient point is that we know certain policies will result in avoidable human death.

So the relevant contrast class is:

willful taking of human life v. knowingly allowing avoidable human death
Read 10 tweets
22 Nov
In general, public speculation about whether another believer is a false teacher strikes me as wildly inappropriate.

But I do think it's fruitful to ask where, if there were any false teachers in our midst, we might expect to find them.
According to Scripture, false teachers dwell in the political or religious establishment. They misrepresent God to the people of God in order to fortify their own position of power or influence, often at the expense of vulnerable people.
So the notion that those who expose oppression are false teachers isn’t just wrong.

It lacks a basic grasp of the currency in which it trades, not unlike the sentence: “The quarterback of the Yankees scored a hat trick in the Final Four.”

It’s not merely untrue—it’s nonsense.
Read 11 tweets
22 Nov
Since men are equally capable of performing ≥99% of the tasks that “biblical patriarchy” reserves for women, the term ‘redundancy’ is undoubtedly a more accurate euphemism for the view than ‘complementarity’.
The ideology revolves around the notion that life is about marriage, and marriage is about a man doubling the labor capacity he commands—at which point he’s free to apply his labor as he pleases and instruct his wife to carry out basic adult tasks he’d rather not bother with.
Men and women are equally capable of doing laundry, cooking, parenting and earning a living.

So the capacities that patriarchists ascribe to men and women, respectively, are not in fact complementary—they’re redundant.
Read 5 tweets
20 Nov
This is a regrettably common confusion about the nature of justice.

Justice is achieved when we pay what we owe and receive what we are due.

Part of what we are due, yes, is a certain kind of legal process—hence, ‘due process’ (of law). This is called ‘procedural justice’.
But justice requires more than a certain kind of legal procedure.

Consider, for instance, wrongful convictions: it’s possible to follow all the appropriate procedures in arresting, investigating and convicting a defendant who is in fact innocent.
So it’s possible to satisfy the demands of procedural justice while at the same time achieving a result that is substantively unjust—namely, the conviction of an innocent person.
Read 6 tweets
10 Nov
There are men of influence in evangelical circles who’ve made a whole career of improving upon God’s Word with their own opinions, and then excommunicating anyone who questions their pet tertiary doctrines.
Such men are accustomed to silencing dissent within their spheres of influence by threatening the employment, professional standing or institutional status of anyone who interrogates the status quo.
But a growing number of professionals from outside the institutional settings in which these men exercise control—journalists, academics, clergy and so on—have taken an interest in critiquing the ideological commitments behind conservative evangelical theology and politics.
Read 11 tweets

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