This is doing the rounds but I'm really not sure we can conclude much/anything from it. People aren't good at estimating large numbers, or proportions of large numbers. It is a task that requires some thought, and survey respondents don't have an incentive to think hard 1/?
2/? If you give people a hard question and no incentive to do the work, they will substitute an easy question. In this case, "what am I aware of that the government spends money on?" People are aware of the NHS, net zero and MPs' pay, so they score high
Pensions and benefits are low salience in debate, so that scores low. Also, note how many things average around 10% - a low effort heuristic number probably used to convey "I think they spend quite a lot on this, but no idea how much precisely".
4/? So an alternative summary of the findings is "Public think govt spends a lot on NHS, and will whack 10% on any category you ask them about, without really thinking about it". Not really a very important finding.
5/? In general I think detailed qs like this which require a lot of the respondent are only worth asking if you incentivise people to think hard about them (e.g. pay them based on how close they get to the correct answer). Otherwise all you get is guesses & expressive politics
Also, as Graeme points out, the percentages seem to sum up to well over 100% so it seems respondents didn't have to make their figures sum to 100 (whereas the real budgets do). Even easier to just click through going "Education? 10% Police? 10% MPs salaries? 10%..."
CORRECTION - Luke has advised the answers did have to sum to 100, but the averages don't have to. That would suggest an awful lot of spread in the underlying answers - my guess is partisan biases and expressive politics will be driving a lot of that.
Or some people with no clue what to do just allocate equal shares to everything asked about, per this suggestion:
Old Bexley and Sidcup by-election today. Labour would need a 21 point swing to take the seat. Some historical context:
Lab Con by-elec loss - Chesham & Amersham - swing 25.2 pts
Last Lab by-elec gain from Con - Corby (2012) - swing 12.7 pts
Other swings in post Brexit Con defences:
Brecon & Radnorshire (2019) - 12 pts (lost)
Sleaford & N Hykeham (2016): -0.3pts (won)
Richmond Park (2016): 21.7 pts (lost)
Witney (2016): 19.3pts (won)
Average swing against Con across all post-Brexit by-election defences: 15.6 pts
There were also huge swings against the Cons in 3 2014 by-elecs, the last defences before Brexit:
Rochester & Strood - 28.3 pts (lost)
Clacton - 44.1 pts (lost)
Newark - 15.5 pts (won)
Couple of interesting things about this: 1. Con MPs discriminate by region of origin much more than public do - more positive about Aus imms than voters, more negative about Pakistan imms than voters
2. Lab MPs systematically more favourable towards imms from every region than the public are, except Aus. But gaps vary:
Poland +27
Pakistan +20
France +19
Aus -2
Pakistan
3. There is a tendency to favour groups but the strength of this tendency varies and the groups preferred also vary a bit:
Cons: Aus 73, Fra/Pol 29, Pak 3 (diff 70 pts)
Lab: Fra 57, Pol 50, Pak 35, Aus 33 (diff 24 pts)
Public: Aus 35 Fra 28 Pol 23 Pak 15 (diff 20 pts)
Will have to check but I think last time we had this pattern - Labour narrowly ahead on imm, but most voters thinking neither party good on the issue - was in 1960s pre-Enoch Powell. Cons had massive lead on the issue from Powell to Cameron, May's net imm target destroyed that
Cons then remained ahead, but by narrower margin, because Labour figures were extremely low having fallen from a low base during new Labour years (when imm rose to the top of the agenda). Cons return to govt, and fading of Brexit, looks to have finally ended that advantage.
But this is not a return to 1960s, pre-Powell immigration politics because several things have changed fundamentally, making the issue v different now: 1. For first time ever,many people see *not enough* imm/overly restrictive controls as a problem (never before seen in polling)
A quick thread with some of the slides/key messages from my presentation at the launch of The British General Election of 2019, in particular for those unable to see the presentation live due to technical glitches
The context of the election: both parties collapsed in the polls in the wake of Theresa May's repeated failures in the Commons in Spring 2019; frustrated Leave voters defected to Brexit Party, frustrated Remainers to Lib Dems and Greens
The conclusion Conservative MPs and members came to was that of Prince Falconeri in Di Lampedusa's classic "The Leopard" - "If we want things to stay as they are [i.e. Con govt leaving the EU], things will have to change." @briancartoon here illustrates the political maths
Very excited to come to London and launch "The British General Election of 2019". Exactly two years ago, the Conservatives launched their manifesto (on a Sunday) - a crucial turning point for the party, which was scarred by the disastrous reception to its 2017 manifesto
Given the central importance of manifestos in the last election (and the one before that) it is a great pleasure to have central figures from both parties' manifesto processes - @rcolvile (Con) and @FisherAndrew79 (Lab) joining us for a discussion of the election this evening
@rcolvile@FisherAndrew79 You can tune in live - see the link on the @UKandEU tweet. And if you'd like to learn more, there lots more on manifestos and much else besides in the book, now available in hardback, paperback and Kindle edition here:
With the government staggering from crisis to crisis its worth remembering there's a by-election coming up in just over a week. Old Bexley and Sidcup would normally be safe, but things aren't normal.
Richard Tice, leader of "I can't believe its not UKIP/Brexit Party" ReformUK, could provide a lightning rod for disaffected Con Leave voters, while disaffected middle class professionals (few in these parts, though the seat leans a bit Leave) may swing to Labour
The seat has a nearly 20k majority, but the Chesham and Amersham majority of 16k was easily cleared earlier this year, and massive by-election swings against struggling governments were once a pretty standard event - Cons didn't win a single by-elec from 1988 to 1997.