A strong argument for an oral tradition of the Quran in parallel to the written text that I've heard is that even with the Muqaṭṭaʿāt, there is consensus of the reading, while ٮس (Q36:1) could have been read in 10 different ways. Does it hold up in manuscript evidence? 🧵
This argument rests on the assumption that the original codices of Uthman were undotted. This is likely a myth. Every early Quranic manuscript has sporadic dotting, there is no reason to believe that the original Uthmanic master copies were different. See @Adam_Bursi's article.
So what about the few dotted Muqaṭṭaʿāt? How do they show up in early manuscripts? Do they have dots? Is the consensus because the text was simply unambiguous? This is something we can check, so let's have a look what early manuscripts show!
Q19:1 kā-hā-yā-ʿayn-ṣād
1. Saray Medina 1a: Dotted yāʾ. 2. Wetzstein II 1913: No dots. 3. Ma VI 165: No dots. 4. Or. 2165: No dots.
So undotted seems like the norm here. But all readers agree that the third of these letters is yāʾ, seems like genuine oral tradition.
Q36:1 yā-sīn
1. Saray Medina 1a: No dots. 2. Wetzstein II 1913: Strongly retouched, but no apparent dotting. 3. Ma VI 165: No dots. 4. Is. 1615 I: No dots.
So indeed, the consensus on yā-sīn, despite potentially 5 (or even 10) different readings seems significant.
There other dotted muqaṭṭaʿāt are less significant. Final nūn and qāf have unique shapes that cannot be confused with any other letter in the early Arabic scripts. But still the can be dotted, so let's have a look what they do in Q42:1, Q50:1 and Q68:1.
Q42:1 ḥā-mīm ʿayn-sīn-qāf 1. Saray Medina 1a: no dots. 2. Wetzstein II 1913: no dots. 3. Or. 2165: no dots. 4. Is. 1615 I: no dots.
Codex Parisino Petropolitanus (not pictured) likewise has no dots here.
Q50:1 Qāf
1. Saray Medina 1a: no dots. 2. Wetzstein II 1913: one dot below! (Typical way of dotting Qāf in early manuscripts). 3. Arabe 331: no dots. 4. DAM 01-29.1: no dots.
Typical that a letter that is not ambiguous at all would get dotted in one of these manuscripts.
Q68:1 Nūn
1. Saray Medina 1a: Dotted! 2. Wetzstein II 1913: Dotted!
Sadly this Sūrah is not well attested in early manuscripts. But it's super typical that final Nūn which cannot be confused with any other letter and therefore DOESN'T need a dot gets dotted in both manuscripts!
This is a more typical pattern. In our earliest manuscripts for some bizarre reason, the nūn, of all letters, is frequently dotted by scribes, while that dot bears no functional load. This is something seen in early papyri too. It still requires a satisfying explanation...
So yes, even in light of manuscript evidence and the knowledge that dotting may have been present in the earliest master copies, those dottings do not seem to have given rise to the knowledge that you're suppose to read yā-sīn and not, say, bā-šīn. There was oral knowledge.
Thanks to @TentStitcher for this original question. It had never occurred to me to check. The results are exactly as expected (I even predicted the dotting of the nūn!), but always good to follow up on it.
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ADDENDUM: A question made me realize that I should perhaps have explained what the Muqaṭṭaʿāt are for some of the readers seeing this thread. I'll just put that here.
There is one, I think, unresolveable issue, a place where the Kufic vocalisation deviates so much from modern vowel signs that you cannot translate it one-to-one. This happens with word-initial ʾā preceded by the preposition bi- or li-.
As anyone who knows Arabic will know words are spelled as if they are word-initial, even if certain prefixes precede (namely: al-, bi-, li- etc.) This is *also* true for the Kufic vocalisation. And this is where we get in trouble, because modern Arabic script doesn't do that.
There are two ways of writing the sequence ʾā. 1. Word initially one uses ʾalif mamdūdah, e.g. ʾāyah. 2. Word-internally one uses ʾalif muqayyadah, e.g. qurʾān
In modern Arabic you would use ʾalif mamdūdah (آية, قرآن) for both, in quranic orthography hamzah+ʾalif (ءاية, قرءان).
So... Japanese native numerals are *weird*. People like to talk about the doubling ablaut system
hito-tu '1' ~ huta-tu '2'
miC-tu '3' ~ muC-tu '6'
yoC-tu '4' ~ yaC-tu '8'
But that really doesn't cover all the odd exceptional behaviour found in counters...
Why:
hutu-ka "2 days" not huta-ka?
why miC-ka "3 days" but not muC-ka but muika "six days"
Why yoC-ka "4 days" but not yaC-ka but youka"8 days"
(and why nano-ka "seven days" while it is nanatsu?)
I see no obvious reconstruction that accounts for those irregularities.
Is there any article that tries to account historically for these unusual irregularities?
So red it can't be ʾAbū Jaʿfar. (ʾAbū ʿAmr and Nāfiʿ left).
Black could still be anyone but Ibn ʿĀmir, ʾAbū Jaʿfar Nāfiʿ andʾAbū ʿAmr.
Q18:85
red: fa-ttabaʿa (majority), fa-ʾatbaʿa (ʿĀṣim, Ḥamzah, al-Kisāʾī, Ḫalaf and ibn ʿĀmir)
Black: might be fa-ʾatbaʿa, a bit unclear. If so the reading is Kufan.
Besides the crazy lām-ʾalif what's cool about this manuscript is that the persian uses 'modern' vocalisaiton, while the Quranic citations use the red dot system of Kufic manuscripts.
But seemingly a later hand added modern vocalisations to it too. 🧵
The ink of the modern black vowels added looks kind of similar to the main text, so I wondered whether both the red dots and black signs where put in by the same person. But the red dots and 'normal' vowels were done by different people, and you can tell from the lām-ʾalif.
In the earliest vocalised Kufic manuscripts -- and this is a practice that continues in Maghrebi script -- the leg at the top LEFT is the lām and the top RIGHT is the ʾalif.
This is the ancient pre-Islamic practice, inherited from Nabataean.
Ibn Ḫālawayh (d. 381 AH) was one of the Ibn Mujāhid's students, and several important works of his have come down to us. One of these is his al-Ḥujjah fī al-Qirāʾāt as-Sabʿ "The Justification of the Seven Readings", and it is WEIRD. It keeps citing non-canonical readings! 🧵
The Ḥujjah could be called a "grammatical exegesis". It analyses all the variant readings where the seven readings disagree with one another, and explains why one would read one way or the other, and what those entail in meaning or grammatical choice.
Exegesis does this more commonly, but grammatical exegeses (or tawjīh/ḥujjah works works as one might call them) like these, are hyper-focused specifically on the points of disagreement.
Ibn Ḫālawayh ostensibly focuses on the seven readers canonized by his Teacher.
Early Islamic pious inscriptions frequently use the formula aḷḷāhumma ṣallī ʿalā fulān "O God, bless so-and-so."
As in the example here:
aḷḷāhumma ṣallī (صلي!) ʿalā l-qāsimi bni muḥammadin
By Classical Arabic standards this is a mistake, but we see it frequently. Thread 🧵
Inscriptional formulae tend to start with a vocative aḷḷāhumma "O God" or rabb-i "O my Lord" followed by an imperative, as seen in the frequent اللهم اغفر لفلان Aḷḷāhumma ġfir li-fulānin "O God, forgive so-and-so".
ġafara li- is by far the most common, and not remarkable.
But the ṣallī form that we opened with in the first post present a problem. Imperatives in final weak verbs should shorten the long vowel we see in the imperfect. So it is ṣallā "he blessed", yuṣallī "he blesses", ṣalli "bless!" But this should be spelled صل, not صلي!