This is a good thread, and it's both what I was thinking about when I tied the parklets to broader problems of liberal governance, and worth talking about at a bit more length.
A key failure of liberalism in this era is the inability to build in a way that inspires confidence in more building.
Infrastructure comes in overbudget and late, if it comes in at all. There aren't enough homes, enough rapid tests, even enough good government web sites.
I've covered a lot of these processes, and it's important to say: Most decisions along the way make individual sense, even if they lead to collective failure.
If the problem here was idiots and crooks, it'd be easy to solve. Sadly, it's (usually) not.
Take the parklets. There are fire safety concerns. SFMTA is losing revenue. Some pose disability access issues. It's not crazy to try and take everyone's concerns into account.
But you end up with an outcome everyone kind of hates.
I've seen this happen again and again. Every time I look into it, I talk to well-meaning people able to give rational accounts of their decisions.
It usually comes down to risk. If you do X, Y might happen, and even if Y is unlikely, you really don't want to be blamed for it.
But what you see, eventually, is that our mechanisms of governance have become so risk averse that they are now running *tremendous* risks because of the problems they cannot, or will not, solve.
And you can say: Who cares? It's just parklets/HeathCare.gov/rapid tests/high-speed rail/housing/etc.
But it all adds up.
There's both a political and a substantive problem here.
The political problem is if people keep watching the government fail to build things well, they won't believe the government can build things well. So they won't trust it to build. And they won't even be wrong.
The substantive problem, of course, is that we need government to build things, and solve big problems.
If it's so hard to build parklets, how do you think think that multi-trillion dollar, breakneck investment in energy infrastructure is going to go?
This isn't a problem that just afflicts liberal governance, of course.
All these problems were present federally under Trump and Bush. They are present under Republican governors and mayors.
But it's a bigger problem for liberalism because liberalism has bigger public ambitions, and it requires trust in the government to succeed.
I'm going to be working a lot over the next year on the idea of supply-side progressivism, and this is an important part.
One thing you see in blue states is that even when Republicans can't obstruct, there are huge obstacles to a liberalism that builds. nytimes.com/2021/09/19/opi…
And those of us who want a liberalism that builds, who think that's necessary for decarbonization and housing and health and simply creating the public goods people deserve, need to pay special attention to these quiet failures, because they imperil the whole project.
Adding this older piece to the thread, as it gets at a lot of these ideas, and also why I think it's so important to look closely at the institutions of governance when thinking about these problems: vox.com/2020/4/22/2122…
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"Lawyers, not managers, have assumed primary responsibility for shaping administrative law in the United States. And if all you’ve got is a lawyer, everything looks like a procedural problem."
"Legitimacy is not solely — not even primarily — a product of the procedures that agencies follow. Legitimacy arises more generally from the perception that government is capable, informed, prompt, responsive, and fair."
"Democrats do not usually ask the obvious follow-up. If new administrative procedures can be used to advance a libertarian agenda, might not relaxing existing administrative constraints advance progressive ones?"
It is far, far too early to say anything definitively.
But IF it is true that Omicron is both much more transmissible than Delta, and somewhat less severe, it's going to require a pretty different approach in schools, workplaces, etc.
We're going to need *a lot* more rapid testing, because people will be getting sick too often, and too mildly, to close everything and quarantine everyone every time there's contact with someone positive.
For more, @EricTopol and @Bob_Wachter's feeds have some early glimmers of encouraging news on severity, while this thread on transmissibility is...unnerving.
If Omicron proves more or even as severe as Delta, it'll be terrifying.
One underplayed advantage for Substack and subscriber-based sites is how clean the reading experience is. A mixture of advertising, sign-up obsession, and recirculation efforts has made so many sites an awful reading experience.
I don't mean to pick on CNBC, as this applies to lots of sites. But I just went to read something there and...
I've been in meetings deciding whether to add some of these widgets to a page. I've asked for some of them!
All of these decisions make sense on their own. Some are financially necessary. But the reading experience degrades quickly as they add up.
I managed to miss most of the horrible Paternity Leave Discourse because, well, I'm on paternity leave until January.
But: Parental leave should be universal, and it should be universally taken. And not just so men can be helpmates to their wives, who're doing the Real Work.
Men should take paternity leave because they should care for their children, and experience the love that grows out of caring for their children.
To miss that is to parent (and live) in grayscale, not color.
I've seen a lot of older men who have no idea how to care for babies. They can't change a diaper, they don't know how to quiet a tantrum. They hold the baby for a minute and pass them back. They want to connect and build a relationship, but they can't. It's a lifelong loss.
Okay, time for some thoughts on "unpopularism," which is the closest I have to a synthesis in this conversation.
In short, the missing piece of popularism is what I’d call agenda control. Agenda control requires controversy. You can’t achieve it if you’re afraid to offend.
The media is attracted to controversy. Controversy requires large or powerful groups to be both opposed ands interested.
Most of the time, that requires some degree of unpopularity in your ideas.
I’m skeptical that polling is that useful a guide to issue popularity, particularly on new issues.
I think it’s more reliable as a guide to which party is favored on broad issue areas, like health care or immigration.