From a political standpoint, it seems increasingly likely that the main consequence of omicron will be to accelerate the end of the coronavirus crisis/state of emergency
Yes, the short-term effect is a wave of cases, which may or may not increase in hospitalization/deaths (depending on how the lower severity x higher transmissibility equation sorts out).
But even assuming there is a wave of hospitalizations/death, this will be a changed pandemic.
There won't be a fantasy of crushing a highly transmissible variant with the ability to evade vaccines. And at the same time, the risks may seem more acceptable, due to diminished severity, growing immunity and improved treatment options
A lot of people have talked about a 'return to normalcy' over the last few years.
It's hard to think of what would do more to nudge COVID toward normalcy than a widespread sense that exposure/infection is at once inevitable, and not as scary as it once was
Whether this adds up to a slight or a big shift in pandemic politics is a totally separate question. That will come down to exact severity, ofc.
But it's clear which direction this will nudge the issue, even if it's not clear whether it's *the* turning point or something
Folks, fewer severe cases per case/positive test (which shapes individual perception of risk) has very significant political consequences, regardless of what it means for the population as a whole
A connection worth being clear about: the thing making it hard to deal with omicron (the growing gap btwn individual v. collective threat, as described by yong) is the same reason why omicron nudges politics in anti-emergency direction, esp after this wave
A really staggering share of the replies (*on twitter*, though conspicuously not on any other channel) essentially just assert that the media is singularly responsible for Biden's low approval rating
As best I can tell, this is founded on two basic arguments: 1) Many economic indicators (growth, unemployment) are good, inflation isn't especially bad, therefore perceptions of a bad economy must be driven by poor reporting and an unfair narrative
2) Biden's policies are popular, voters do/should judge policies based on policy, and therefore Biden's inability to claim credit for his popular policies reflects a media failure to give sufficient attention to the substance of his agenda
A few thoughts on the disconnect between Biden's popular policies and his personal unpopularity nytimes.com/2021/11/27/us/…
TLDR... I think it is worth fully internalizing the century-long pattern of voters a) rewarding parties for presiding over peace/prosperity; b) punishing presidents for enacting ambitious agenda.
The obvious implication: a popular, ambitious policy agenda doesn't do you much good if there isn't normalcy/peace/prosperity, especially if that agenda is not seen as attempting to respond to immediate challenges at hand
I'm late to this @jbouie piece, but I do think it's worth coming back to a week later to reiterate how odd it is that HR1/FPA, for all their gangly ambition, don't include a republican government-based attack on state legislative gerrymandering nytimes.com/2021/11/12/opi…
A guarantee-clause based attack might be very different than what you usually hear about on this website.
It would narrowly establish that republican gvt = majority rule = can't draw maps that would thwart majority rule
Only one metric would logically follow from a republican government clause attack: the mean-median gap.
A lot of the usual anti-gerrymandering would be irrelevant in this framework, like commissions, efficiency gap, compactness, communities of interest, proportionality, etc.
We did a poll of Wisconsin just after the unrest in Kenosha. Biden led by 5, 48-43
It had some pretty interesting findings on the issue was playing out in the race, with a mixed bag for both sides int.nyt.com/data/documentt…
BLM fav/unfav: 53-42
Who handles protests best? Biden+8
Who handles race relations best? Biden+19
Who handles crime best? Even
Who handles law and order best? Even
What's more important: covid or law and order? COVID +1
On defund, voters opposed it by a huge margin (19% said defund, 40% maintain, 36% increase)
And voters thought Biden supported defund, 45-38 (including 22% of Dems and 38% of nonwhite voters)
They also thought Biden hasn't done enough to condemn rioting, 31% enough 56% not enough
It will be a while until we have authoritative data on turnout in Virginia, but at the moment I think it's fair to say two things, judged against 2020:
--Black/non-white turnout was weak for Democrats
--Otherwise, Democratic turnout was probably fine
For clarity, I've assigned the turnout among early voters to each precinct using voter file data, allowing for a direct comparison to 2020 turnout using vote history data
In overwhelmingly Black precincts, turnout was just over half of 2020 levels. It was at about 75% of 2020 levels in areas with no Black voters.
I said this to a few people on the phone so it may be worth adding publicly too: from the standpoint of electoral implications, one of the most important things about CRT (either IRL or caricature) is that it's a critique of liberalism from the left.
The implication: it lets certain GOPers be relatively liberal on race.
If CRT is raised to sufficient salience, GOPers don't have to rev up the base with outright conservative views--like anti-immigration or denial of police brutality--to polarize along racial attitudes
Of course, many Republicans will instead emphasize outright conservative views that alienate more voters. I'd guess one might have lost VA.
But for more moderate GOPers, CRT is a gift. They can bash the left and earn cred by merely sounding like... Obama '08