1/14
Very important paper by @AdamYLiu1, Jean Oi and Yi Zhang. The authors explain the the switch in the locus of borrowing to local governments and their proxies (the LGFVs) as part of a “Grand Bargain” imposed by Zhu Rongji.
2/14
They show that in the 1990s, “While increasing the center’s share of the tax revenues, Beijing needed to find ways to keep the provincial and local governments viable and motivated by allowing them to enjoy fiscal fruits of their own efforts.”
3/14
The solution? “The central government was ready to ‘tie its hands’ and grant full fiscal autonomy to the localities as long as they gave the center the newly increased amount of tax revenues stipulated in the 1994 reform.”
4/14
The authors continue: “The implication of our argument is that local officials push to increase GDP, not just because they are ambitious and want to impress superiors and advance careers, but because...
5/14
there is a revenue imperative to fill in the perpetual fiscal gap that all local governments have faced since the 1994 fiscal reform. Debt and development became conjoined twins in China.”
6/14
I agree. Because of fiscal pressures the relationship between debt and growth has been central to China's development model. This wasn’t a problem however as long as China was seriously underinvested and debt was used to fund investments that on average were productive.
7/14
By the mid 2000s, however, it became increasingly difficult to invest productively, and so it was only in that period that debt began rising faster than GDP (BTW I think the paper puts too much emphasis on the GFC as the beginning of the debt problem).
8/14
The key to understanding both the development of Chinese imbalances and the difficulty Beijing faces in resolving them, as this paper shows, is the complex relationship between Beijing and the various local governments. In that light I found this graph especially useful.
9/14
In my PKU seminar I use both the number of banks and the declining asset share of the Big four banks as proxies for the decentralization of the credit allocation process, which in turn I use as a proxy for the decentralization of political power. That’s because...
10/14
the ability to control credit allocation is at the heart of economic control in an economy like China’s. As the graph makes clear, this decentralization process took off in the mid-1990s, in large part as a consequence of the “Grand Bargain” that this paper discusses.
11/14
There are lots of implications. One, which the authors briefly discuss, is the possibility that local-government debt can only be resolved by forcing local governments to sell off their assets. For years I’ve argued that this must eventually happen.
12/14
However they do it, I think it will be extremely difficult to rebalance Chinese demand in the ways that both Hu Jintao’s and Xi Jinping’s administrations have promised until we have seen some resolution of the imbalance between Beijing and local governments.
13/14
But this won't be easy. There has already been some consolidation in the banking sector, as the graph shows, some of which has consisted of Beijing takeovers of local banks, but it has barely started.
14/14
By the way for those interested, Jean Oi discusses the paper in this lecture:

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More from @michaelxpettis

5 Jan
1/4
The RCEP consists of six countries with large current account surpluses that are structural in nature (China, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia), two countries that are currently running large surpluses but that...
scmp.com/economy/global… via @scmpnews
2/4
normally run deficits (Australia and Indonesia), one country with a small structural surplus (Vietnam), two countries with flexible current accounts (Philippines and New Zealand), and four countries too small to matter (Brunei, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar).
3/4
A rough calculation suggests that balances of the seven countries that run structural surpluses are equal to 6-8 times the absolute value of the balances of the remaining 8 countries. The collective GDP of the former is 7 times the collective GDP of the latter.
Read 4 tweets
5 Jan
1/6
The banking system is struggling to meet loan quotas while keeping bad debt under control. "Chinese bank rushed to meet their annual state-imposed lending quotas last month by buying up low-risk financial instruments rather than issue loans."
ft.com/content/70451e…
2/6
The article goes on to cite one banker as saying: “The authorities want us to support the real economy while keeping bad debts under control. That is difficult to achieve in the current business environment.”
3/6
In fact this has been the heart of the problem in the Chinese economy for the past 10-15 years. The banking sector is responsible for boosting economic activity to meet high GDP growth targets but, in so doing, has had to run up enormous debts that cannot be repaid.
Read 6 tweets
4 Jan
1/9
In the same survey the PBoC found that 17.9% of urban residents in its sample intend to buy a house in the first quarter of 2022. This is the lowest share since September 2016.
2/9
At the end of the previous four years the shares of the sampled population intending to buy a home in the next three months were 23.0% (2017), 21.9% (2018), 20.7% (2019) and 19.9% (2020).
equalocean.com/briefing/20211…
3/9
I'm wary of reading too much into the data, but it seems that as of now there are 10% fewer people looking to buy homes than at this time last year, and on average 18% fewer than at the end of the three previous years. Most of that decline occurred in the past three months.
Read 9 tweets
3 Jan
1/4
SCMP: "Beijing intends for consumption to play the role of a 'ballast stone' to counter external headwinds, according to a five-year document released by multiple authorities on Friday."
scmp.com/economy/china-… via @scmpnews
2/4
The document goes on to say: "It is urgent for us to improve the quality and capacity of consumption, to unleash the potential of domestic consumption, and to build a strong domestic market."
3/4
They're right, of course, but they've been saying this for 15 years without getting much closer to doing so. And it's still not clear that regulators are any closer to understanding how to rebalance domestic demand.
Read 4 tweets
3 Jan
1/6
This seems pretty significant: according to a PBoC survey, "a majority of Chinese residents think home prices will stay unchanged or fall in the first quarter of 2022."
english.news.cn/20220102/873fb…
2/6
The Xinhua article provides the details: "56.7% of respondents expect home prices to remain flat during the first quarter, while 15.2% forecast a fall. Some 16.8% of respondents expect an increase in home prices."
3/6
This matters because speculative markets rise mainly on expectations of further rises. For many years the main reason for buying hugely overpriced apartments in China's major cities was the expectation that prices could only go up.
Read 6 tweets
2 Jan
1/4
"Smaller enterprises account for 60 per cent of China's GDP and 80 per cent of urban employment. But they have also suffered the brunt of the economic downturn brought by the pandemic, despite tax and fee cuts from the government."
scmp.com/economy/china-… via @scmpnews
2/4
Lower fees and taxes, easier credit, better infrastructure, and other supply-side measures can help private-sector businesses if their problem consists mainly of high costs, scarce or expensive credit, or other constraints on their abilities to serve burgeoning demand.
3/4
This was certainly the case during most of the past four decades. These same supply-side measures cannot help, however, if the main problem is weak demand, which seems to have become the case in the past several years.
Read 4 tweets

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