The so-called yāʾāt maḥḏūfah min al-ḫaṭṭ "the yāʾs removed from the writing". This concerns words that in Classical Arabic would typically end in a yāʾ (i.e. /ī/), but in the Quranic are written without.

Readers have different ways of dealing with this missing yāʾ 🧵 Image
The yāʾ that gets dropped can be of all kinds of categories:
- Verbs: Q89:4 يسر for CAr. yasrī
- Nouns: Q89:9 بالواد for CAr. bi-l-wādī
- The 1sg. object pronoun: Q26:81 يحيين for CAr. yuḥyī-nī
- The 1sg. possessive pronoun: Q109:6 دين for CAr. dīn-ī
When one examines the places where such cases of /-ī/ get dropped, a fairly clear pattern emerges. In the vast majority of the cases it happens:
1. In verse final position
2. Before a pause mid-verse
3. With vocative (like يقوم "o my people")
The verse final positions typically rhyme as if indeed the /-ī/ is gone completely, e.g. Q12:45 فارسلون rhymes as /fa-ʾarsilūn/, cf. Q12:46 يعملون /yaʿmalūn/.

It therefore seems that the Quranic text reflects a dialect of Arabic that dropped /-ī/ in pausal position.
However, there are various reading traditions of the Quran, which do not necessarily share the same intuitions about this pausal dropping of /-ī/.

Moreover, in Quranic recitation almost every pause (including verse final ones!) may in theory be ignored.
As a result, reciters had to find ways to read these pausal forms even when in a non-pausal position.

Not all readers come to the same conclusion on this. The vast majority of the readers took the absence of the yāʾ seriously, and in connected speech read with a short -i.
This is what we find for the ubiquitous Ḥafṣ reading:
- Verbs: Q89:4 yasri, yasri# (# = pause)
- Nouns: Q89:9 bi-l-wādi, bi-l-wād#
- The 1sg. object pronoun: Q26:81 yuḥyī-ni, yuḥyī-n#
- The 1sg. possessive pronoun: Q109:6 dīn-i, dīn#

This is how most readers resolve it.
Yaʿqūb, however, simply ignores the text and reinstates the missing yāʾs in pause and in connected speech.
- Verbs: Q89:4 yasrī, yasrī#
- Nouns: Q89:9 bi-l-wādī, bi-l-wādī#
- The 1sg. object pronoun: Q26:81 yuḥyī-nī, yuḥyī-nī#
- The 1sg. possessive pronoun: Q109:6 dīn-ī, dīnī# ImageImageImageImage
But most interesting are perhaps ʾAbū ʿAmr and ʾAbū Ǧaʿfar who (at least with the words spelled without the yāʾ) more-or-less retain the distribution that can be deduced from the consonantal skeleton: -ī in connected speech, dropped vowel in pause.
This comes into conflict with the written text because they have the option to pronounce these words that are spelled pausally without pausing. Thus for verbs: they recite: yasrī in connected speech, yasr# in pause. For nouns: bi-l-wādī, bi-l-wād#
But with the 1sg. object pronoun -nī and the possessive pronoun -ī something interesting happens.

Let us start with the object pronoun. Here both readers have two options.
1. like: Q43:61 wa-ttabiʿū-nī, wa-ttabiʿū-n#
2. Or like: Q26:108 ʾāṭīʿū-ni, ʾāṭīʿū-n#
In traditional descriptions, these two options are generally just presented in long lists at the end of chapters on Sūrah, without any clear rhyme or reason behind them, but if you look at the context in which the two options occur, a clear pattern emerges.
The -nī/-n# option occurs for words that stand in the middle of a verse (but still usually before a minor pause).

The -ni/-n# option occurs for words that stand at the end of a verse.

Linguistically, this is a rather bizarre distribution! ImageImage
The non-pausal forms seem to be conditioned by the type of optional pause that follows! If a minor mid-verse pause is possible, then you use the long forms if you do not pause; if a major end of verse pause is possible, then you use the short forms when you do not pause!
So how did this come about? My hypothesis is this: I think ʾAbū ʿAmr and ʾAbū Ǧaʿfar in principle taught -nī, -n#. In their time skipping over mid-verse pauses was already common, but skipping verse final pauses was not really an option.
Thus, when these reading traditions were transmitted, only information for the mid-verse pauses were transmitted explicitly. So when new reciters in their tradition wished to not pause at the end of a verse, they had to find a way to do so, without any explicit transmission.
Thus they applied qiyās (analogy), not from a general principle that could be derived from the mid-verse pause forms, but rather from the way most other reciters were doing it. And thus the verse-final -ni was created!
The distinction thus had little to do with their own teaching
This is not complete speculation. Pausal forms are frequently a place where qirāʾāt works readily admit that they do not have a complete transmission of how to pronounce every single word if one were to pause upon it. But the tradition becomes obsessed with knowing the answer.
So that today, even that rather awkward choice of pausing on the first part of a construct phrase like رحمت الله /raḥmatu ḷḷāhi/ "the mercy of God" is explicitly described.

Al-Dānī admits to practicing qiyās in figuring out how to do this for the tradition of Ibn Kaṯīr. ImageImage
If you enjoyed this thread, and would like to support me and get exclusive access to my work-in-progress critical edition of the Quran, consider becoming a patron on patreon.com/PhDniX/!

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More from @PhDniX

Jan 29
A beautiful classical example of assimilation of parallels in Q67:11 of Saray medina 1a.

The canonical text reads فاعترفوا بذنبهم fa-ʿtarafū bi-ḏambihim "So they acknowledge their sin", and that's what the manuscript currently reads, but clearly not what it always read! 🧵 Image
First there is an unusually large gap between the ḏāl and the nūn, and you can see traces of removed text.

Moreover, the denticle of the nūn appears to have been added later (not quite as obvious, but obvious enough). Image
What the scribe obviously originally wrote is not بذنبهم ḏambihim in the singular, but rather بذنوبهم bi-ḏunūbihim "their sinS". That's not how any canonical readers recite it, nor have I found evidence for non-canonical readers of this kind. But it is an easy mistake to make.
Read 7 tweets
Jan 21
A fascinating and, likely, extremely early rendering of Sūrat al-ʾIḫlāṣ, both remarkable for its not-quite-canonical wording AND its pre-Islamic spelling practices.

A thread on what information can be gleaned from it 🧵
The basmalah is unremarkable, but the first verse is different from from the canonical reading. Rather than:
qul huwa ḷḷāhu ʾaḥadun قول هو الله احد "He is Allah, the one" the text reads: الله لا احد, which, at first blush might look like it says: God, not one ?
Is this verse espousing an anti-monotheistic version of al-ʾIḫlāṣ? No. In pre-Islamic inscriptions, and occasionally in early Arabic manuscripts the asseverative particle la- before a word with a hamzah is, for some reason written with لا.
Read 17 tweets
Jan 11
The Quran has a written form and recited forms. Its written form remained more or less unchanged. But the recited forms were sometimes at odds with what is written in the text.

A thread on what scribes did to alleviate these conflicts, in early Quranic manuscripts.🧵 Image
Conflicts between the written and the recited should be familiar to those who know the Hebrew Bible, which shows a peculiar interplay between the standard written text (ktiv), and its recitation (qre) which are not infrequently at odds with one another.
Such differences are marked with marginal ktiv-qre notes. Notes that point out that the word written is to be recited differently.

In Josh 13:16 the written באדם "at Adam", has a ktiv-qre note in the margin to point out it should be read מאדם "from Adam". Image
Read 15 tweets
Jan 2
A strange bit of misinformed apologetics has been making the rounds on Twitter that claims the Dead Sea Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaª) (Is. 42:1) mentions ʾAḥmad (traditionally understood to be Muḥammad) of Q61:6. This is false, but figuring out what is happening is interesting. So 🧵
Let's first take a moment to appreciate what the significance of Isaiah 42:1. The Synoptic gospels ( Mathew 3:17, Mark 1:11 & Luke 3:22) cite a Greek adaptation of this verse at the Baptism of Jesus:
"You are my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased"
This is clearly quite close to the Hebrew of the old testament Isaiah 42:1 "Behold My Servant, whom I uphold; Mine elect, in whom My soul delights." and is understood to refer to it.

The fourth gospel, John, lacks this reference (this will become important later).
Read 24 tweets
Jan 2
I'm having a lot of fun with this Japanese pitch accent dictionary thing, but I'm kind of curious: are there any good (preferably English) descriptions that actually try to make morphological sense of what is actually happening?

gavo.t.u-tokyo.ac.jp/ojad/search/in…
It's clear that unaccented words, in some verbal forms gain an accent

haku, hakanákatta, which I suppose you could describe by saying the suffix is simply -nákatta

But when there is a lexical pitch, the pitch get retracted by not replaced:
háku, haká-nakatta
I would be tempted to write a tonal sandhi rule:
Cv́-Cv-Cv́ > Cv-Cv́-Cv

Thus háka-nákatta > haká-nakatta

But this rule would not predict the right form with the -éba suffix:

haku, hakéba (✅)
háku, hákeba (❌)

idem for -imásu
haku, hakimásu (✅)
háku, hakimásu (❌)
Read 4 tweets
Dec 22, 2021
Even classical Kufic manuscripts like these often surprise you with non-canonical readers.

Red: fa-tamannaw-u l-mawta

This is the only canonical reading. But green and yellow explore two other epenthetic vowel options:
Green: fa-tamannaw-i l-mawta
Yellow: fa-tamannaw-a l-mawta Image
Clearly to Sībawayh the red reading (-u as the epenthetic vowel between -aw and a following sākin) is the default, but he also admits the -i as an epenthetic vowel.

He shows no awareness of the option with -a, which seems to be a memory of the vowel of the definite article al-. Image
Started looking if any other manuscripts had this -a as the epenthetic vowel besides Arabe 350a.

And yes!
1: Arabe 347(b) (Q3:177)
2. Arabe 346(b) again (Q62:6)

Haven't found any other manuscripts though... ImageImage
Read 4 tweets

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