A fascinating and, likely, extremely early rendering of Sūrat al-ʾIḫlāṣ, both remarkable for its not-quite-canonical wording AND its pre-Islamic spelling practices.
A thread on what information can be gleaned from it 🧵
The basmalah is unremarkable, but the first verse is different from from the canonical reading. Rather than:
qul huwa ḷḷāhu ʾaḥadun قول هو الله احد "He is Allah, the one" the text reads: الله لا احد, which, at first blush might look like it says: God, not one ?
Is this verse espousing an anti-monotheistic version of al-ʾIḫlāṣ? No. In pre-Islamic inscriptions, and occasionally in early Arabic manuscripts the asseverative particle la- before a word with a hamzah is, for some reason written with لا.
Those who know the orthography of modern mushafs well, will know that Q27:21 la-ʾaḏbaḥannahū is spelled لااذبحنه. This is the same practice. Those working from print copies from the Indian subcontinent might also know it from Q37:68 la-ʾilā.
Surprisingly, our earliest manuscripts of Q27:21 actually DO NOT have the extra ʾalif. 1. British Library Or. 2165 2. Tübingen, Ma VI 165 3. Saray Medina 1a 4. Saray Medina 1b
But while the spelling is not archetypal for this specific word, it is frequently found in manuscripts.
For example:
Q20:71 fa-la-ʾuqaṭṭiʿanna in Saray Medina 1a
Q21:57 la-ʾakīdanna in Ma VI 165
Q38:85 la-ʾamlaʾanna in Or. 2165
And indeed even Q3:158 لاالى can be found in the Codex Parisino-Petropolitanus.
This unusual practice is also found in several pre-Islamic inscriptions.
It is seen frequently in a fairly common pre-islamic monotheistic formula: فلااوصكم ببريله fa-la-ʾuwaṣṣi-kum bi-birri llāh "So I certainly urge you towards piety in God" (or perhaps fa-la-ʾawṣā-kum "So he certainly urged you"?)
That was a long lead up to say that the first verse in the inscription should be read as aḷḷāhu la-ʾaḥadun "God is certainly One!"
That wording is a bit strange, you'd rather expect ʾinna ḷḷāha la-ʾaḥadun (compare ʾinna ḷḷāha la-samīʿun ʿalīmun), but this must be it.
The next remarkable feature is one is right in the next verse, which is spelled الله اصمد for ʾaḷḷāhu ṣ-ṣamadu. The assimilated definite article is spelled phonetically, with just an ʾalif and without the lām! Very unusual in Islamic era.
Finally the last verse is remarkable for several reasons. First, the author appears to have forgotten the negation, so the verse seems to say: "And he has an equal", oops!
But that aside there are still to other remarkable features...
First, the author wrote يكون yakūn, rather than يكن yakun, that is, the imperfective stem rather than the apocopate stem. In modern dialects these stems are merged completely, and this inscription might just anticipate such a development already this early!
The other strange feature is the spelling of kufuʾan "an equal", this word in the Quran (as are all other words) as if they did not contain a hamzah. The dominant reading tradition today also indeed recites it kufuwan, but the inscription write كفا, not the expected كفوا.
There are a couple of ways of interpreting that. ʾAbū Ḥayyān mentions transmissions of this verse with kufan (< *kufʾan) and kifāʾan, both readings would be consistent with the spelling here.
But there is yet another, exciting option, which suggests it DID write kufuʾan...
As mentioned, Quranic and Classical Arabic spell words as they would be pronounced if there was no hamzah (glottal stop). so kufuʾan is spelled as if kufuwan. This reflects the Hijazi pronunciation of Arabic.
But in pre-Islamic times, the hamzah usually WOULD be written.
In Nabataean inscriptions, but also in much later post-Nabataean inscriptions the ʾalif would be used to write hamzah. For example in this inscription from Ḥima (near Najran) the month name al-muʾtamar is spelled الماتمر!
So it may read kufuʾan with Nabataean hamzah spelling!
All of these features taken together, had it not contained the Quran, would have motivated anyone working on pre-Islamic Arabic to have tentatively suggested that this inscription is pre-Islamic.
It seems that these ancient practices lived on into the early Islamic period.
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A strange bit of misinformed apologetics has been making the rounds on Twitter that claims the Dead Sea Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaª) (Is. 42:1) mentions ʾAḥmad (traditionally understood to be Muḥammad) of Q61:6. This is false, but figuring out what is happening is interesting. So 🧵
Let's first take a moment to appreciate what the significance of Isaiah 42:1. The Synoptic gospels ( Mathew 3:17, Mark 1:11 & Luke 3:22) cite a Greek adaptation of this verse at the Baptism of Jesus:
"You are my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased"
This is clearly quite close to the Hebrew of the old testament Isaiah 42:1 "Behold My Servant, whom I uphold; Mine elect, in whom My soul delights." and is understood to refer to it.
The fourth gospel, John, lacks this reference (this will become important later).
I'm having a lot of fun with this Japanese pitch accent dictionary thing, but I'm kind of curious: are there any good (preferably English) descriptions that actually try to make morphological sense of what is actually happening?
Even classical Kufic manuscripts like these often surprise you with non-canonical readers.
Red: fa-tamannaw-u l-mawta
This is the only canonical reading. But green and yellow explore two other epenthetic vowel options:
Green: fa-tamannaw-i l-mawta
Yellow: fa-tamannaw-a l-mawta
Clearly to Sībawayh the red reading (-u as the epenthetic vowel between -aw and a following sākin) is the default, but he also admits the -i as an epenthetic vowel.
He shows no awareness of the option with -a, which seems to be a memory of the vowel of the definite article al-.
Started looking if any other manuscripts had this -a as the epenthetic vowel besides Arabe 350a.
And yes!
1: Arabe 347(b) (Q3:177) 2. Arabe 346(b) again (Q62:6)
For the Birka Ring, here are some decent parallels. Though I wonder if it says بالله instead. What throws one off is 1. it wasn't mirrored and 2. the vertical closure of the hāʾ is absent in both, which really just makes it look like lines...
I'm still not sure that whatever the brooch says (and many of these other seal rings) read تبنا لله, which still strikes me as idiomatically unusual. But well, it's definitely Arabic.
Birka and the Brooch *might* be bad European imitations, but could just be poor but genuine.
Interesting variant reading in Wetzstein II 1913 that I just ran into, rather than the canonical ʾinna ḷḷāha la-hādi llaḏīna ʾāmanū "God is the guide of those who have believed" it has tanwīn la-hādin-i llaḏīna: "God is guiding those who believe" (somewhat forced transl.)
It is recorded as a secondary reading in the much later Kufic Quran Arabe 325(k).
Ibn Ḫalawayh (and others) attribute it to ʾAbū Ḥaywah (Syrian reciter, d. 203 AH). While grammatically equally viable, it ended up not making it into the reading of any of the ten.
It is remarkable though that it would be Wetzstein II 1913 of all manuscripts that marks it as the primary reading. W1913 is a very complete early manuscripts, with Syrian regionality. Its vocalisation is probably early, since it has non-canonical features not found elsewhere.
A strong argument for an oral tradition of the Quran in parallel to the written text that I've heard is that even with the Muqaṭṭaʿāt, there is consensus of the reading, while ٮس (Q36:1) could have been read in 10 different ways. Does it hold up in manuscript evidence? 🧵
This argument rests on the assumption that the original codices of Uthman were undotted. This is likely a myth. Every early Quranic manuscript has sporadic dotting, there is no reason to believe that the original Uthmanic master copies were different. See @Adam_Bursi's article.
So what about the few dotted Muqaṭṭaʿāt? How do they show up in early manuscripts? Do they have dots? Is the consensus because the text was simply unambiguous? This is something we can check, so let's have a look what early manuscripts show!