Important point on government record-keeping. Government by WhatsApp is unaccountable government, vulnerable to corruption. opendemocracy.net/en/opendemocra…
At the moment, the Ministerial Code says nothing on the topic: though the danger is recognised in the guidance on face-to-face meetings, and guidance given.
This though relies on Ministers policing themselves. And there is inevitably a grey area between government business and other political business (party business) which gives Ministers a lot of wriggle room.
FOI requests will not generally lead to searches of WhatsApp or private emails (even if they are retained).
What should be done? IMO the Ministerial Code (which should be better enforced eg by allowing its enforcer to investigate complaints without the PM’s agreement) should expressly prohibit Ministers from using any private means for conducting government business.
That should generally be a sackable matter.
Moreover, given the difficulty of distinguishing government and non-government business, there’s a case that all their electronic communication should take place over government systems.
Ministers could be given a private channel to use for non-government communications, but material on that channel would be retained and kept securely for a period: and some civil servants would be able to access it in any case where there was a suggestion of misuse.
(There would have to be an exception for Ministers’ Parliamentary emails for constituency business.)
There should also be a blanket prohibition on ministers deleting any material on any communications platform used by them during their term of office, or using any platform with automatic deletion.
NB that all this could be achieved without legislation on the first day of a new PM’s term of office, by amendments to the Ministerial Code.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
This is an excellent piece on the recent UK case-law on the extent to which UK courts should, under the HRA, regard themselves as bound by Strasbourg ECtHR case law. It is relevant to a key aspect of the current government’s consultation on HRA reform.
There are some problems here. First, if you say that the U.K. courts applying the HRA should never go beyond the ECtHR, does that mean you can’t find an HRA breach just because the ECtHR has not ruled on that particular issue, even if it has found a breach in analogous case?
As @BarristerSecret has already dispatched this article in @spectator by @SBarrettBar, there is perhaps no need to plunge a further dagger into its corpse. But there is a bit more to be said.
On the same topic of how the current government’s (and, to be fair, past governments’) approaches to citizenship have gone badly and fundamentally wrong, see this piece by Sonia Spencer in @prospect_uk. prospectmagazine.co.uk/politics/how-y…
The Home Office’s idea that citizenship is a “privilege” that can be removed - or bought - in the same way as membership of a golf club is a category mistake: it purports to turn a matter of identity and belonging into a contractual relationship.
The same error underlies the ludicrous fees charged to those applying for British citizenship: British citizenship should not be something you can get only if you have the (significant amount of) money, but a recognition of commitment, belonging, and identity.
I don’t often agree with @danielmgmoylan: but putting aside partisan swipes, and the first couple of minutes on general philosophy of immigration law, he then makes a good conservative case against the ability of governments to remove nationality.
It comes from a Tory perspective that isn’t mine: but ends up in much the same place. And I absolutely agree that citizenship isn’t just a travel document, or a contract that can be torn up by either side at will.
I’d add (he may or may not agree with me) that the fact that the provision bites on those with family or personal connections with other countries (eg Jews or Northern Irish entitled to another country’s citizenship: those with a foreign born parent) is a further deep iniquity.
A few comments on the current government’s consultation document on “A Modern Bill of Rights”.
First, the title “Modern Bill of Rights”. It hints at a powerful statement of what our fundamental rights should be.
In reality, this “Modern Bill of Rights” is little more than a cutting back of the existing Human Rights Act. No consideration of any additional rights apart from a tepid nod to the idea of a right to jury trial.
This is poor stuff. Judicial reviews don’t get anywhere (they don’t get permission) if the only basis for them is disagreement with government policy. GLP cases have had success because they have identified cases where government has breached the law.
It is important to make that point because sloppy reporting of that kind feeds into a narrative that judicial review is just politics by other means.