This is an excellent piece on the recent UK case-law on the extent to which UK courts should, under the HRA, regard themselves as bound by Strasbourg ECtHR case law. It is relevant to a key aspect of the current government’s consultation on HRA reform.
There are some problems here. First, if you say that the U.K. courts applying the HRA should never go beyond the ECtHR, does that mean you can’t find an HRA breach just because the ECtHR has not ruled on that particular issue, even if it has found a breach in analogous case?
That approach would make rights dependent on the accidents of litigation, not on principle.
What about saying that a UK court can’t find a breach in a case where the ECtHR has refused to find one? Sounds obvious, but remember the difference in roles. The ECtHR rightly remembers that it is a pan-European court and that European countries are very different.
So it allows member states a margin of appreciation (often very wide) in applying the ECHR to their own circumstances. But it isn’t obvious that that point applies with the same force to a national court.
The article explores where the current case-law is. Best just to read it, if you’re interested.
But I wanted to pick up a point at the end about the current government’s somewhat inconsistent approach to the question of whether U.K. courts should follow the ECtHR.
On the one hand, it complains that our courts sometimes follow the ECtHR too closely, even though our courts are better placed to develop the law.
On the other hand, it is worried about what might happen if they aren’t tied to the ECtHR’s case-law.
What this ends up with is a stance that our courts should be freer to depart from ECtHR case law that finds the existence of rights, but constrained by ECtHR case-law finding no breach (or even by absence of ECtHR case-law finding a breach).
None of that is very coherent.
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As @BarristerSecret has already dispatched this article in @spectator by @SBarrettBar, there is perhaps no need to plunge a further dagger into its corpse. But there is a bit more to be said.
Important point on government record-keeping. Government by WhatsApp is unaccountable government, vulnerable to corruption. opendemocracy.net/en/opendemocra…
At the moment, the Ministerial Code says nothing on the topic: though the danger is recognised in the guidance on face-to-face meetings, and guidance given.
On the same topic of how the current government’s (and, to be fair, past governments’) approaches to citizenship have gone badly and fundamentally wrong, see this piece by Sonia Spencer in @prospect_uk. prospectmagazine.co.uk/politics/how-y…
The Home Office’s idea that citizenship is a “privilege” that can be removed - or bought - in the same way as membership of a golf club is a category mistake: it purports to turn a matter of identity and belonging into a contractual relationship.
The same error underlies the ludicrous fees charged to those applying for British citizenship: British citizenship should not be something you can get only if you have the (significant amount of) money, but a recognition of commitment, belonging, and identity.
I don’t often agree with @danielmgmoylan: but putting aside partisan swipes, and the first couple of minutes on general philosophy of immigration law, he then makes a good conservative case against the ability of governments to remove nationality.
It comes from a Tory perspective that isn’t mine: but ends up in much the same place. And I absolutely agree that citizenship isn’t just a travel document, or a contract that can be torn up by either side at will.
I’d add (he may or may not agree with me) that the fact that the provision bites on those with family or personal connections with other countries (eg Jews or Northern Irish entitled to another country’s citizenship: those with a foreign born parent) is a further deep iniquity.
A few comments on the current government’s consultation document on “A Modern Bill of Rights”.
First, the title “Modern Bill of Rights”. It hints at a powerful statement of what our fundamental rights should be.
In reality, this “Modern Bill of Rights” is little more than a cutting back of the existing Human Rights Act. No consideration of any additional rights apart from a tepid nod to the idea of a right to jury trial.
This is poor stuff. Judicial reviews don’t get anywhere (they don’t get permission) if the only basis for them is disagreement with government policy. GLP cases have had success because they have identified cases where government has breached the law.
It is important to make that point because sloppy reporting of that kind feeds into a narrative that judicial review is just politics by other means.