As @BarristerSecret has already dispatched this article in @spectator by @SBarrettBar, there is perhaps no need to plunge a further dagger into its corpse. But there is a bit more to be said.
As SB says, this passage is difficult to reconcile with how (much) law actually works. Let’s start with the case referred to (on blocking highways).
It’s DPP v Ziegler in the Supreme Court. supremecourt.uk/cases/docs/uks….
The relevant issue arises from the fact that the offence is to block highways without a lawful excuse.
Note that, already, it is obvious that Steven is wrong to assert that “you can’t block the highway” was ever a “clear rule”: there was always (rightly when you think about it for a second) room for a lawful excuse defence and thus room for argument about what a lawful excuse is.
(Think about cases where, for example, someone blocks the highway in order to unload a lorry: for two minutes ✅ /for days on end ❌/for somewhere in between?)
The question before the SC was the extent to which exercising the rights to protest and assembly under Articles 10 and 11 ECHR could be a lawful excuse for peacefully blocking the highway where there was an intention to obstruct others (those attending an arms fair).
The answer was proportionality: which you won’t go far wrong if you read as “it’s a balancing exercise, depending on the circumstances”.
And here are relevant circumstances.
All pretty sensible factors to take into account when balancing the importance of the right to protest on major political issues against the importance of people being able to get about to conduct their lawful business.
The idea that there is, here, any breach of the rule of law is unsustainable.
Indeed, the concepts of balancing and proportionality are so fundamental to any human rights jurisprudence that Steven’s complaint amounts to an assertion that human rights law is incompatible with the rule of law.
Steven protests that “I keep politics out of my articles”.
But if you read his articles, you find that there is no rule of law issue, apparently, when the current government threatens to breach treaties. But a big rule of law issue in giving courts any role in adjudicating human rights law.
Those are, on any view, highly “political” conclusions that well suit a particular sort of politics.

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More from @GeorgePeretzQC

11 Jan
This is an excellent piece on the recent UK case-law on the extent to which UK courts should, under the HRA, regard themselves as bound by Strasbourg ECtHR case law. It is relevant to a key aspect of the current government’s consultation on HRA reform.
First, the current U.K. case law.
There are some problems here. First, if you say that the U.K. courts applying the HRA should never go beyond the ECtHR, does that mean you can’t find an HRA breach just because the ECtHR has not ruled on that particular issue, even if it has found a breach in analogous case?
Read 12 tweets
10 Jan
Important point on government record-keeping. Government by WhatsApp is unaccountable government, vulnerable to corruption. opendemocracy.net/en/opendemocra…
At the moment, the Ministerial Code says nothing on the topic: though the danger is recognised in the guidance on face-to-face meetings, and guidance given.
There is government guidance on the use of private email and other electronic communication. assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/upl….
Read 12 tweets
8 Jan
On the same topic of how the current government’s (and, to be fair, past governments’) approaches to citizenship have gone badly and fundamentally wrong, see this piece by Sonia Spencer in @prospect_uk. prospectmagazine.co.uk/politics/how-y…
The Home Office’s idea that citizenship is a “privilege” that can be removed - or bought - in the same way as membership of a golf club is a category mistake: it purports to turn a matter of identity and belonging into a contractual relationship.
The same error underlies the ludicrous fees charged to those applying for British citizenship: British citizenship should not be something you can get only if you have the (significant amount of) money, but a recognition of commitment, belonging, and identity.
Read 4 tweets
6 Jan
I don’t often agree with @danielmgmoylan: but putting aside partisan swipes, and the first couple of minutes on general philosophy of immigration law, he then makes a good conservative case against the ability of governments to remove nationality.
It comes from a Tory perspective that isn’t mine: but ends up in much the same place. And I absolutely agree that citizenship isn’t just a travel document, or a contract that can be torn up by either side at will.
I’d add (he may or may not agree with me) that the fact that the provision bites on those with family or personal connections with other countries (eg Jews or Northern Irish entitled to another country’s citizenship: those with a foreign born parent) is a further deep iniquity.
Read 8 tweets
5 Jan
A few comments on the current government’s consultation document on “A Modern Bill of Rights”.
First, the title “Modern Bill of Rights”. It hints at a powerful statement of what our fundamental rights should be.
In reality, this “Modern Bill of Rights” is little more than a cutting back of the existing Human Rights Act. No consideration of any additional rights apart from a tepid nod to the idea of a right to jury trial.
Read 18 tweets
2 Jan
This is poor stuff. Judicial reviews don’t get anywhere (they don’t get permission) if the only basis for them is disagreement with government policy. GLP cases have had success because they have identified cases where government has breached the law.
It is important to make that point because sloppy reporting of that kind feeds into a narrative that judicial review is just politics by other means.
Read 8 tweets

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