Every now and then I just get this giant burst of frustrated amazement that SO much of law school, esp the 1L year, is still built almost exclusively around cases.
It's really bad, for a lot of reasons.
If nothing else, SO much of law these days is statutes and regulations.
And even the way more and more schools react to this is... not great. "Leg Reg"? It's a great idea (we have it), but... the framing.
It's its own special thing. Off to the side. One class.
We don't have a class on "Common Law." We call that Torts. And Property. And Contracts.
So it makes statutes and regulations seem like a speciality issue, not--as they actually are--the heart of the modern regulatory state's law.
Cases, also, by definition, are outliers. Their facts will be outliers, their procedural process will often be an outlier, everything is an outlier.
To make it into a crim law casebook, you basically need a jury trial. These are... not things that really exist.
95% of real crim law isn't fighting over the border between practically certain vs. ignoring a big risk in a case with bonkers facts.
It's trying to navigate routine cases through the system. Casebooks never show us that.
Even more, teaching cases runs the real risk of overlooking how the formal law is just where law starts, not what it actually is (tho this is a real risk in the statute situation as well).
Like: we can teach caselaw about defamation, but what is the REAL law in SLAPP-less state?
(Anti-SLAPP law allow courts to make plaintiffs pay lawyer fees if it their defamation claims are frivolous, which makes it harder for a big corp to force a poor blogger to take down a post they lack $ to defend. No SLAPP, and suddenly the 1A turns on wealth.)
Anyway, the casebook system was (allegedly) designed by Harvard dean Christopher Columbus Langdell ... who died in 1906.
The law has changed ... a bit ... since 1906. We really need to upend how we teach it to reflect what it really is.
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In this case, something is wrong. Tokyo (and we'll come back in a second to what "Tokyo" and "London" even are) has been bigger than London before 2000.
At least based off these graphs, which track the numbers in the chart fairly closely.
But any comparison between cities is hard, bc what do we count? As this Guardian piece shows, defining a "major city" is actually really hard: theguardian.com/cities/2015/fe…
What is included, what is excluded? It can really shape how we see things.
It's shifting the burden of PRODUCTION from the defendant to the state. Which, I'm thinking, no other jurisdiction has done.
This is actually a big deal.
In all states but VA, the state bears the burden of proof: the state must reject the defendant's account of the need for defensive force beyond a reasonable doubt.
But the defendant has to affirmatively TELL A STORY.
So think about Zimmerman's trial, or Rittenhouse's. The state had to disprove their stories, but they had to tell them. Zimmerman had to say he was scared in the fight, as did Rittenhouse.
Def force defenses can be rejected bc a judge can say "your story, if true? Not enough."
He campaigned on something. He was elected by people who heard what he campaigned on, people who had multiple choices, a plurality of whom (in the primary, a majority in the general) decided they preferred that.
NYS is not a ... state without corruption. But the governor's recall power hasn't been used since the FDR administration.
The GOVERNOR FDR administration. Which ended in 1933.
Bragg announces a plan that in grounded in solid data about the impact, and general inefficacy, of prisons, and a plan that is only a slight adjustment of prior practice for violent crimes, and every politician goes full 80s-era tough on crime.
Been thinking about that pre-K-is-harmful study, and this part in particular.
Might this mean less that pre-K leads to more issues, and more that parents with pre-K exposure are more likely to know what services are available, and thus advocate for their kids more?
This is one of those "how we define the term determines the results" thing that I'm increasingly obsessed with.
This isn't asking "do kids have more special ed NEEDS." It's asking "do kids get more special ed SERVICES."
Seem like the same at first, but... maybe not!
We can't really see needs, not directly. It gets filtered through what teachers are willing to say, what parents are willing to admit... and what parents are willing to advocate for.
And pre-K exposure might have parental impacts as well.
I think—and, honestly, I’m not really joking—we’ve hit the point where major criminology journals need to declare a one (two? five?) yr moratorium on papers using admin data, and focus on a host of papers laying out how, exactly, we can use that data.
And I mean the major journals, not the lower-ranked ones. This isn’t some second-tier methodological issue. This gets at the heart of every quantitative paper using admin data. It’s a first-most toppest-tied issue.
Our admin data is… just a giant minefield.
Like, the UCR flaws are well known, but as you dig down into them, they just get worser and worser, like some fractal of fail.
We need to identify what data seems more reliable, which is less, how we can carefully impute across the gaps, how we can cross-validate, etc etc etc.