The winning trade of the post-pandemic era would seem to be long the past, short the future. bloomberg.com/opinion/articl… 1/7
But the current "crypto winter" seems unlikely to drive Bitcoin down as far as in previous bear markets: bloomberg.com/opinion/articl… 2/7
If Bitcoin is "an option on digital gold," then Fed tightening was bound to drive down the price, just as Paul Volcker drove down the price of gold after 1979. bloomberg.com/opinion/articl… 3/7
But this isn't 1970s inflation and so we won't need Volcker-era real rates to tame it. Paul Schmelzing's work on real rates in the long run is illuminating on this point. bloomberg.com/opinion/articl… 4/7
The prospects for DeFi are different, as @mrinconcruz has argued. Just as the skeptics missed the beginnings of Big Tech in the wake of the dot-com bust, so today’s crypto haters are missing the beginnings of a major disruption of the financial system in the form of DeFi. 5/7
DeFi looks like a bona fide financial revolution, taking advantage of new technological possibilities to reduce transaction costs in exciting ways. Skeptics love to insist that Ethereum isn’t money in the textbook sense. This is to miss the point entirely. 6/7
This crypto winter will be followed by a spring in which Bitcoin continues its steady advance toward being true digital gold; and DeFi defies the skeptics to unleash a financial revolution as transformative as the e-commerce revolution of Web 2.0. bloomberg.com/opinion/articl… 7/7
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David Mitchell and Robert Webb once risked a sketch in which they played two Waffen-SS officers. Looking at death’s head badges on their caps, Mitchell asked the immortal question: "Are we the baddies?" Is this the right question to ask about democracy in America today? 1/20
Democracy is doing OK globally. Not only are there many more democracies (57% of all countries in 2017, compared with 25% in the mid-’70s); democracies also account for around three-quarters of global GDP. The thing we need to worry about is American democracy. 2/20
The problem is that the world no longer sees the U.S. as a shining city on a hill — more like a festering slum on a floodplain. According to a Pew survey of adults in 17 advanced economies, “just 17% say democracy in the U.S. is a good example for others to follow." 3/20
The current crisis of American power recalls Britain's interwar predicament. This is "The Gathering Storm," Washington edition. My latest for @TheEconomist : economist.com/by-invitation/… 1/10
Since 1914, the nation had endured war, financial crisis and in 1918-19 a terrible pandemic, the Spanish influenza. The economic landscape was overshadowed by a mountain of debt. A highly unequal society was a breeding ground for extreme ideologies. 2/10
Meanwhile the established political class preferred to ignore a deteriorating international situation. The result was a disastrous failure to acknowledge the scale of the totalitarian threat and to amass the means to deter the dictators. 3/10
My former student @stephenwertheim complains that I misrepresented his 2020 Foreign Affairs piece “Why America Shouldn’t Dominate the World” in my @TheTLS review article here: the-tls.co.uk/articles/the-r… Let’s see. 1/12
Wertheim wrote: “The rise of a near-peer competitor does not necessarily pose a grave danger to the United States … China has yet to undertake a costly bid for military dominance in East Asia, let alone the world.” 2/12
And: “China is not poised to dominate East Asia by force” but “remains focused on local issues: defending the Chinese mainland, winning disputes over small border areas and islands, and prevailing in what China sees as its unresolved civil war with the government in Taiwan.” 3/12
One of many relevant episodes in the book describes how, in 1992, a network of speculators attacked the Bank of England with a huge short sterling trade. The leader of the network was of course George Soros.
"Sometimes events are beyond a new president’s control. Sometimes they are unforced errors of his own making. But presidents don’t simply make history. Often, history comes at them fast." bloomberg.com/opinion/articl…
The fiscal and monetary policies favored by Biden's economics team — deficits and quantitative easing as far as the eye can see — will widen the country’s already wide inequalities by cranking up further the prices of real estate and financial assets. bloomberg.com/opinion/articl…
But the left wing of the Democratic Party cares more about identity politics than working-class living standards, so they will be fed a steady diet of green new dealing, critical race theory and transgender rights. Welcome to the ESG administration. bloomberg.com/opinion/articl…
Very important piece by Kurt Campbell and Rush Joshi, who will be driving Asia strategy on Biden's NSC: foreignaffairs.com/articles/unite….
“A strategy for the Indo-Pacific today" should be based on 3 lessons from post-Napoleonic Europe: "the need for a balance of power; the need for an order that the region’s states recognize as legitimate; and the need for a ... coalition to address China’s challenge to both."
“The way Beijing has pursued [its] goals—South China Sea island building, East China Sea incursions, conflict with India, threats to invade Taiwan, and internal repression in Hong Kong and Xinjiang—undermines important precepts of the established regional system."