I'm always fascinated by the fact that private prisons--which hold ~8% of all people in prison--get SO much attention, while private policing gets comparatively almost none... even though we have MORE total private security (from mall cop to guys with guns) than public police.
Genuinely intrigued by the sorts of legal privatization that bother us vs those that don't.
And here?
Private security are likely MUCH more likely to create an entryway into the criminal legal system than private prisons (which just pop up at the end of public process).
I would also add that this throws a lot of our macro-level empirical research on policing into question. Private security are not randomly distributed, so omitting them from the measure of policing (which ~all models do) is... not at trivial issue.
And there's a real chance it means we UNDERSTATE the impact of policing.
Private security are often going to be where there is more risk of crime/less effective police (see @patrick_sharkey on BIDS, say). So crime would be higher still if just (measured) # of sworn cops there.
This thus creates the risk that we are understating the marginal impact of more police, bc the higher-crime areas have "lower" crime than they would with the law enforcement we measure, so the change we see going to higher-policed areas is less than if we accounted for privates.
Anyway, hard to work through biases on Twitter.
The point is we have a ton of private policing, we don't talk about it (strange), we don't measure it well (unsurprising), and we ignore it in our models (bad).
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This, right here, is the opportunity cost issue of policing laid bare.
The best cost-benefit estimate of policing is ~1.6 to 1 ($1 in budget cuts crime costs by $1.60).
These behavioral interventions? 5-to-1 to 30-to-1.
Policing DOES work. But other stuff often works BETTER.
It's both bad on the facts and bad on the politics, I think, to yell "policing doesn't work!" It does, and everything thinks it does.
But might the extra dollar, especially now, do even more good if spent on something else? Almost certainly true.
Moreover, most of these interventions have unaddressed positive spillovers (slowing down thinking not only reduces crime, but likely makes all sorts of other decisions better).
And fewer downside risks (Becoming a Man can't execute no-knock warrants).
First, the reason we tend to react with "mental health" to shocking murders THAT GETS WIDESPREAD ATTENTION is bc... those murders likely often involve mental illness.
They're a small subset of murders vs. gang violence, domestic violence, etc.
But those don't get the coverage.
So some--much?--of the blame rests with our still-deeply problematic media coverage of crime, which highlights the shocking and rare, and is prone to try to wedge it all into crude (often moralistic) narratives.
Every now and then I just get this giant burst of frustrated amazement that SO much of law school, esp the 1L year, is still built almost exclusively around cases.
It's really bad, for a lot of reasons.
If nothing else, SO much of law these days is statutes and regulations.
And even the way more and more schools react to this is... not great. "Leg Reg"? It's a great idea (we have it), but... the framing.
It's its own special thing. Off to the side. One class.
We don't have a class on "Common Law." We call that Torts. And Property. And Contracts.
So it makes statutes and regulations seem like a speciality issue, not--as they actually are--the heart of the modern regulatory state's law.
In this case, something is wrong. Tokyo (and we'll come back in a second to what "Tokyo" and "London" even are) has been bigger than London before 2000.
At least based off these graphs, which track the numbers in the chart fairly closely.
But any comparison between cities is hard, bc what do we count? As this Guardian piece shows, defining a "major city" is actually really hard: theguardian.com/cities/2015/fe…
What is included, what is excluded? It can really shape how we see things.