Right-wing reactions to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine range from openly siding with Putin to condemning him while agreeing with his critique of the weak, “woke” West. To the Right, the fight against multiracial pluralism overrides everything else.
The Right’s reactions have oscillated between blatant admiration for Putin and anti-Russian saber-rattling combined with a shrill critique of President Joe Biden. This goes well beyond Donald Trump and Tucker Carlson.
At last week’s CPAC, conservatives focused their ire on Joe Biden’s supposed weakness as the real cause for Putin’s aggression and left no doubt who they considered the biggest threat - the “enemy within,” as Senator Rick Scott put it, the “militant left wing in our country.”
It may feel shocking, but it shouldn’t be surprising that many Republican leaders and conservative elites think the American President is a more dangerous enemy than the Russian autocrat.
There is an influential tradition on the Right of idolizing Putin as a defender of white Christian values. In 2013, for instance, Pat Buchanan described Putin as “One of Us” in the struggle “against the militant secularism of a multicultural and transnational elite.”
Under Trump, the simmering admiration for Putin morphed into GOP orthodoxy. This rapprochement shaped the Right well beyond conservative elites. As recently as January 2022, Putin had a significantly higher approval rating among Republicans than Joe Biden. washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/…
Such authoritarian, white Christian nationalist, anti-“Left” leanings are now informing the Right’s reaction to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The Far Right is all in on Putin, and so is the Christian nationalist wing of the Republican Party, preferring Putin’s “Christian values.”
Vladimir Putin understands his appeal to Western reactionaries precisely. He likes to present himself as an ally in the fight against “wokeism,” often railing against “cancel culture” and the West’s supposed obsession with trans rights, emphasizing “family values.”
Many conservatives admire him for that. Rod Dreher, for instance, is an interesting bellwether for the reactionary intellectual sphere: he is begrudgingly pro-Trump, because he is enthusiastically anti-liberal. And he hares Putin’s contempt for America’s “woke” culture.
This critique has basically become dogma on the Right: A radically “Un-American” woke Left is out to destroy the country – and has already succeeded in undermining the nation considerably, especially its “woke, emasculated military,” as Texas Senator Ted Cruz put it.
Right-wingers imagine Russia as a stronghold of white patriarchal Christianity, where men get to be real men. They love how autocrats like Putin and Orbán glorify their nations’ past, forcefully push back against those cunning “globalists,” and deal with the real “leftist” enemy.
The American Right does not stand alone with its reaction to Putin’s invasion. Across the West, far-right and reactionary movements have similarly oscillated between openly siding with Russia and condemning Putin while fully agreeing with his general critique of “woke-culture.”
The transnational right-wing admiration for autocrats like Putin and Orbán is a crucial reminder that the struggle over democracy and multiracial pluralism is indeed playing out not just in the U.S., and that the reactionary counter-mobilization is an international phenomenon.
It’s also why, conversely, right-wing movements across the world have been obsessed with Trump. They rejoiced in 2016, because they saw his election as proof that the forces of reaction would ultimately prevail over multiracial pluralism. Trump was supposed to stem the tide.
In a way, the escalating obsession with foreign autocrats is a reaction to Trump’s failure to make good on that promise. If not Trump, then who? Reactionaries are looking elsewhere. Many, like Rod Dreher, believe that Putin and Orbán have shown the way forward.
Right-wingers everywhere understand the transnational dimension as well as the world-historic significance of the current fight over democracy more clearly than many people on the Left: Is it possible to establish a stable multiracial, pluralistic democracy?
A truly multiracial, pluralistic democracy has never been achieved anywhere. It’s a vision that reactionaries abhor – to them, it would be the end of “Western civilization.” And they are determined to fight back by whatever means necessary.
One week after the start of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, a personal reflection on the strangely disorienting experience of everyday normalcy in moments of world-historic importance - from the perspective of a citizen and a historian:
I want to be absolutely clear: Everything I say comes from an enormously lucky and privileged position of someone who is thousands of miles away from where the war is raging, who doesn’t have to worry about family or friends immediately affected by the invasion.
Obviously, how you’ve been experiencing these past few days will have been shaped, first and foremost, by how you are personally affected by what is going on in Ukraine. I am only trying to articulate a few thoughts from my individual perspective.
Always remember that we have to think beyond the “red states vs blue states” binary. There are so many people in those red states like Texas who strongly oppose the white reactionary regime that’s being installed there, and suffer greatly from these authoritarian policies.
It’s not realistic to expect people to just move away. I’m sure a lot of young people, especially, will do exactly that. But it leaves those behind who aren’t able to uproot their entire existence – often precisely the people who will suffer most from white reactionary politics.
And even if, somehow, everyone who prefers multiracial, pluralistic democracy were to get out of these “red” states, leaving behind only those conservative white Christians who desire to be surrounded by people who reflect their own image back at them, it’d still be a disaster.
I will add: The latest research on the history of modern U.S. conservatism and the American Right very much emphasizes the importance of domestic far-right extremist and fascistic traditions, and most serious historians agree that Trumpism needs to be situated in that context.
You haven’t been following these serious debates over Trumpism as fascism, are unaware of the state of the historical/political debate surrounding the American Right? Fine, no worries. But then why do you feel the need to opine publicly?
My own interpretation, by the way, is that the animating vision and ideology on the Right is best described as white Christian nationalism. Within that broader context, we need to acknowledge a domestic tradition of fascism / fascistic tendencies, and that’s where Trumpism falls.
Crucial analysis by @RonBrownstein: The country is turning into a dysfunctional pseudo-democratic system nationally – and on the state level will be divided into democracy in one half of the states and authoritarian one-party rule in the other.
Put differently, America will be divided into a multiracial, pluralistic “blue” part that accepts the country’s changing social, cultural, and demographic realities vs. a white Christian nationalist “red” part that is led by people entirely devoted to rolling back those changes.
From a liberal, blue-state perspective, it might be tempting to say: Well, let them! Let them ruin those states and turn them into reactionary backwaters! But that would be disastrous, and not just for the white Christian nationalists who are assaulting democracy.
This is not some far-right internet troll, but a Republican state senator - and it’s impossible to adequately understand American politics without grappling in earnest with why her radicalism is widely seen as justified on the Right and within the GOP.
Every “Western” society harbors far-right extremists like Rogers who dream of committing acts of fascistic violence. But it’s the fact that the Republican Party embraces and elevates her, and others like her, that constitutes an acute danger to democracy.
Just ignoring this won’t work, because it’s not coming from some rightwing troll, but a Republican elected official who’s in good standing with the rest of her party. No use making fun of it either: These people are in positions of power, intent on using that power.
Now that the President has nominated Ketanji Brown Jackson, I’d like to re-post my column on why Biden’s pledge to send a Black woman to the Supreme Court was so significant - and why conservatives are so furious even though it won’t change the balance of power on the Court:
This captures precisely why conservatives feel threatened by this nomination: They understand it symbolizes the recognition that having white men dominate the powerful institutions of American life is a problem that needs to be rectified.
Conservatives fear the acknowledgment that the country’s institutions should reflect the composition of the people; they understand that representation matters, that a Black woman ascending to a position like this is also an acknowledgment of past injustice.