Receiving requests for a follow-on NATO explainer to discuss the Kosovo precedent (1999) and what might happen if Ukraine (all or in part) were to join with an existing NATO state. As always, I base these on existing precedents, but clever lawyers/politicians can reinterpret. 1/
In 1999, Serbia/Yugoslavia had not attacked a NATO state and Kosovars were not part of NATO. So if NATO intervened, how did they do it? We need to go to Article 4 (Washington Treaty) and 52 (UN Charter). 2/
Article 4 allows for NATO members to convene the alliance to discuss threats to the security of any individual member, and for the alliance to decide whether to take any steps. Spillover of Milosevic's campaigns was deemed to be a threat. Since the UN Security Council 3/
was deadlocked, Article 52 of the charter allows regional organizations to take steps to ensure regional peace and security. All members of NATO agreed that the alliance would take action to stop the campaign against the Kosovars because that posed a threat to the security of 4/
NATO member nations. The U.S. politicians liked having this be a NATO mission, but U.S. military leaders grumbled that it ended up fighting "by committee" and restricting their freedom of action. Side note: the negative experience here was why the U.S. military resisted having 5/
the early parts of the Afghanistan mission be under NATO and increased support for a "coalition of the willing" approach for Iraq, even if all NATO members had approved. 6/
Several NATO members have invoked Article 4 with regards to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and those consultations are continuing. However, any decisions about a NATO response must meet with the approval of all 30 NATO members. So even though there are refugees, attacks 7/
against power plants, threats to food security, etc. Article 4 does not obligate anyone to do anything, until a decision is reached that all 30 members agree to. 8/
So what would happen, then, if, say, President Zelensky were to sign an agreement with President Duda of Poland to create a new Polish-Ukrainian Commonwealth? Since Poland is a NATO member, would this now mean that the alliance covered the entire commonwealth? 9/
The 1990 German reunification precedent offers advice: in reunifying Germany, the precedent was set that the Federal Republic would not have to leave NATO; but that NATO's "line of responsibility" would remain the old West/East German border. Collapse of Warsaw Pact, 10/
dissolution of USSR, NATO enlargement made this moot. But the NATO principle remains that a member state in its bilateral actions cannot take steps that then commit the rest of the alliance. My guess would be that, unless all other 29 members agreed, the "line" for NATO 11/
remain the old Polish-Ukrainian border, in terms of the obligations of other NATO states under Article 5. This concern with borders, which to some might seem pedantic, is at the heart of the Article 5 commitment, because you have to have clarity about where an armed attack 12/
is occurring. Moreover, the NATO principle that countries with territorial disputes should not be admitted until those disputes are settled is again to avoid admitting a member who then obligates other NATO states to help in the recovery of lost territory. 13/
In short, if all 30 NATO members agree, an Article 4 response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the grounds it threatens NATO states is possible. A bilateral agreement between Ukraine and a NATO member, however, is not binding on other NATO states 14/
unless all explicitly agree. Hope this helps! END

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More from @FPRI_Orbis

Mar 5
Wanted to add a third item to the list of "Vladimir's Delusions"--not only underestimating Ukrainian resistance and Western resolve, but apparently Chinese willingness to help. A 🧵. 1/
During the 4 February summit, Putin seems to believe he got a pretty large blank check from Xi. Perhaps this was predicated on a rapid Russian fait accompli in Ukraine. But as this drags on and as sanctions tighten, China is holding back. 2/
In the weeks prior to the invasion, Russian commentators kept stressing that Russia would just pivot away from the West to China and survive quite nicely. Not so apparent now. 3/
Read 9 tweets
Mar 5
I’ve been around the Russia game for long enough to see how narratives change. For a number of years, it was how we were much more threatened by a weak Russia than a strong Russia. Right now, we have the narrative of how not only Ukraine but the West in general is threatened by
by Russia, that Putin will just keep going into the heart of Europe. Eight days into the conflict, and we are back to considering Russia much weaker.
Does this mean we will see a resurrection of the narrative that our security is going to be threatened once again by a weak Russia?
Read 4 tweets
Mar 4
A quick @FPRI_Orbis explainer on NATO. Seeing a lot of comments like "NATO should institute a NFZ" or "NATO should bring in Ukraine right now." Reminder: NATO can do nothing on its own. NATO can only do what its 30 member states agree to do--and on the basis of consensus. 1/
NATO, like the historic Polish Sejm, operates on the principle of consensus. Any one NATO member can cast its "liberum veto." For 20 years, one NATO member, Greece, held up the admission of North Macedonia, over the country's name. 2/
The 2011 NATO mission in Libya highlights alliance politics. The U.S. wanted NATO to take the official lead. A number of NATO members didn't want the Libya mission. The compromise: NATO would intervene in Libya (as the alliance), but each NATO member could decide whether 3/
Read 7 tweets
Mar 4
This is a fascinating read. It really touches on points @seanmcfate has been raising about the changing nature of war, the "privatization" of conflict (and deniability for governments), transfer of assets. Combine this with reports about thousands of volunteers for Ukraine's 1/
equivalent of the Foreign Legion. But we also come back to what I call the "IM Force" problem: do these volunteers understand that if they "are caught or killed, the Secretary will disavow all knowledge of your actions." On the other hand, will Moscow, which itself uses 2/
private military contractors, accept that these volunteers and equipment are not state-sponsored, and assume there is in fact a hidden Western hand? 3/
Read 4 tweets
Mar 4
A lot of discussions about whether Russia would escalate in the event of U.S./NATO intervention in Ukraine, and about the whole topic of nuclear escalation in general. Some essays from @FPRI Orbis which may help provide more background. 1/
In the current issue, Lukas Milevski, in discussing the Baltic region, gives readers an overview of the Russian Federation’s deterrence and escalation management theories. 2/ sciencedirect.com/science/articl…
Rob Singh (@bbkpolitics) might cause you to lose some sleep as he discusses nuclear launch authority in the United States; many of these issues mirrored in the Russian approach (for those who argue that "the generals" somehow would prevent escalation). 2/ sciencedirect.com/science/articl…!
Read 7 tweets
Mar 4
Both at the @carnegiecouncil & @FletcherRussia events this week, I referenced the "Dayton" model as one way conflicts end. A variant of that is having two major outside powers with ties to the parties at war to induce and nudge talks. We've seen hints of Chinese disquiet 1/
as the Russian invasion drags on (and didn't produce the rapid "changing facts on the ground" results) and Chinese equities in both Ukraine and Russia risk damage. The U.S. also doesn't want this conflict to become a destructive war of attrition. 2/
.@POTUS was part of the Obama national security team which explored with then VP Xi Jinping a proposed new "model for great power relations" between Beijing & Washington. Why not both flatter but also pressure China to step up and work with the U.S. for reversing the invasion 3/
Read 11 tweets

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