The shogunate recognized that there were people and places that they could not govern. They turned to Danzaemon. That's not one person but a name successively taken up by the dozen or so men that ran a parallel government and economy in Edo until 1871.
The shogunate needed to maintain order, including over people—beggars and butchers, mule skinners and monkey trainers, hangmen and cobblers—that were separate from the classes of samurai and commoners. They began to be officially and unofficially categorized and organized.
People that threatened stability (beggars, lepers) and those polluted by their trade (leatherworkers, butchers), were formed into guilds. People like Danzaemon became their leaders. (Caste in Early Modern Japan: Danzaemon and the Edo Outcaste Order, Amos.)
By the 1800s, thousands of households, including monkey trainers and anyone in the untouchable castes of eta and hinin. That gave him a monopoly over their trades, including leatherwork. He was a wealthy man. ("The Creation of the Edo Outcaste Order," Gerald Groemer.)
Danzaemon also had the right to tax groups not under his direct control. He had the monkey trainers, but other classes of itinerant entertainer were also kicking up to him. ("The Economic Organization of the Outcasts of Feudal Tokyo," John A. Price.)
Danzaemon ran his own courts, too, and could sentence his charges to death. The relationship between eta and hinin and death meant that they worked at the execution grounds and crematoria, so he also maintained a monopoly over Tokugawa crucifixions. (Caste in Early Modern Japan.)
There was a sprawling Danzaemon mansion in Asakusa, with a community growing around it. The community was confined to the outskirts of Edo but grew in power and wealth, if not prestige. They even began contributing troops to Tokugawa campaigns. (Caste.)
All of this officially ended in the Meiji. Danzaemon privileges were abolished. The legal existence of the classes he governed was later erased. This didn't end discrimination against Danzaemon's former charges or outcastes in other areas. It arguably made it worse.
Early Japanese capitalism required the reproduction of feudal social relations. Discrimination continued, with weaker organization and leadership. (Japan's Outcaste Abolition: The Struggle for National Inclusion and the Making of the Modern Nation State, Noah Y. McCormack.)
The radical and progressive outcaste liberation groups did not fit the same purpose. Their goal was equality, while Danzaemon and arguably his charges had benefited from legal inequality and the figurative and real fences around his community.
A lack of leadership also made it harder on law enforcement. Certain groups were hard to manage without a go-between. It was impossible to restrict begging without heavy-handed measures. ("Panhandling, Subsistence, and Poverty Management in Meiji Tokyo," John Porter)
It's a similar situation with anti-organized crime laws of the 1990s: the reasonably disciplined regulators of the underworld, recognized by law enforcement, disappeared and were replaced by disorganized crime. New groups emerged that put fewer restrictions on themselves.
Unless you are willing to be heavy-handed, which is always my preference, the next best thing is for certain groups and occupations to be given some autonomy and for the authority of their leaders to be recognized, so you have someone to deal with. That's the lesson of Danzaemon.
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As the twenty-first century began, Japan was entering its second Lost Decade, Europe was culturally moribund, and much of the rest of the world was hostile, so young Americans went to China. They found an authoritarian country freer than their own. I heard that said frequently.
They felt free, whatever that means. This was a time of limited enthusiasm for the American project, especially among people in their early twenties. For the dropouts burning a year teaching English, one of the alternatives to going to China was going to Afghanistan.
Already, I think they had a sense that their future was being foreclosed. Some were wealthy enough that it didn't matter. If many of those millennial Americans had seeded in their already fertile skepticism some suspicion of liberal democracy itself, most probably recovered.
The claim is the same as was when Sinologists pored over samizdat grabbed in Hong Kong: since writing published openly in China is compromised, there is a secret fiction that must be discovered, which will confirm our suspicions of a specific type of dissident thought.
Perry Link noted that hand-copied books circulated during the 1970s eschewed politics for "crime, corpses, lovers, sex, intrigue, and other thoroughly ordinary least common denominators of what has interested human beings everywhere and at all times."
If your goal is learning what people in China think by reading novels, you might get as much from reading Red Crag, a certified red classic, as from The Second Handshake, an underground novel later officially published—or Ethel Voynich's The Gadfly!
Eight Raps to a Disco Beat 蹦迪八大扯 by Sun Xiaobao 孙小宝 and Jin Ling 金玲 from 2004 is more clearly the progenitor of hanmai 喊麦. This is a rundown of the eight types of xiaojie 小姐—here, meaning women that exchange intimacy for cash, from hotel suite to street corner.
This would never have made it on TV but was sold as a DVD special. It leans heavily on social commentary in the same style as that first clip. In between, you've got nostalgic singalongs. There's a live studio audience that's clearly wrecked.
The subtitles need more attention to the particular rhythms of er'renzhuan 二人转, I think, but they'll give you an idea of the content. Forgive any errors. This is a fairly unique commentary on popular concerns around the turn of the century, I think.
A key figure in neo-authoritarianism, Xiao Gongqin speaks here on Maoism, which he calls the fifth modernization model chosen in Chinese politics (this was preceded by abortive post-1898 enlightened despotism under the Qing, Sun Zhongshan's 1911 parliamentary model...
...Yuan Shikai strongman government, and nationalist authoritarianism under Chiang Kai-shek). Leninist totalism backed by military force holds for a long time. But it gave in to extreme left-wing thought. Competent neo-authoritarianism keeps both flanks at bay.
Deng Xiaoping's neo-authoritarianism was the solution—gradual reform with an iron fist 用铁腕进行渐进市场经济改革. Xiao Gongqin has praised Xi Jinping for taking up that neo-authoritarian line, dropped by Deng's succesors: deepening reform while disciplining the extremes.
We know Wang Huning's trip to America was important. But his experiences in Singapore are more formative. This is where he sees a neoauthoritarianism in action, with political, economic, and cultural freedoms permitted under stable authority and shared values.
He marvels at the wealth of Singapore. It's clean and prosperous and lively. There's nothing like equality, but the lives of the underclass are, he assumes, fairly good. But how was it been able to surpass some cities in the West in wealth and other factors?
The history of colonialism and the drive to modernize inclined Singapore toward Western civilization 西方文明 and Western culture 西方文化. Taking industrial civilization 工业文明 from the West, means taking less positive aspects, like its social ills 社会病.
This is a history of the 1983 campaign against spiritual pollution in nine posts. It begins with the summertime crackdown on street crime and "hooliganism," Deng Xiaoping's purge of leftists, and the idea of spiritual civilization to replace revolutionary fervor.
The strike hard campaign against crime was a response to a widespread and not unfounded perception that Reform and Opening had caused social chaos. Crime was through the roof. The criminal code was adjusted. The Public Security Bureau started filling quotas.
The "hooligan" crimes included things not previously criminal but considered morally repugnant. Ma Yanqin famously got the death penalty for holding dance parties. Tens of thousands were rounded up. A few thousand were executed. Even more suspended death sentences were given out.