Great thread by @LarryGlickman pushing back against the idea that Trump ran as a “moderate” in 2016.
I’ll add one thought: If we want to explain Trump’s appeal, isolating his supposed socio-economic “moderation” from the context of white grievance politics is misleading.
As @LarryGlickman shows, Trump’s occasional nods to preferring “moderation” on financial / socio-economic / entitlements issues were always in contrast with his actual policy platform. And even those disingenuous nods did not come in a vacuum, but as part of a larger promise.
That core promise at the heart of the Trumpian political project was to uphold white patriarchal dominance by whatever means necessary, to mobilize the state in order to put those pesky special-interest “identity groups” in their place. This is America, after all!
Within this context and on this basis, I’d argue that the message Trump voters heard and found attractive was not primarily one of “moderation” – but rather one of white herrenvolk welfare: “We” are deserving of social democracy, “they” are not!
The difference matters greatly. Not “I’m not going to cut welfare” - but “I’m not going to cut *your* welfare, but definitely *theirs*!” Not “He’ll make sure everybody has great health care” - but “He’ll make sure *we* have great health care while punishing *them*!”
You might want to argue that this still represented a break with the Paul-Ryan-style orthodoxy – although it’s crucial to note that even Paul Ryan conservatism always had strongly racialized components, and again, @LarryGlickman is right about how limited Trump’s divergence was.
In any case, “Trump ran as a moderate, and it was his moderation that attracted voters” is very different from “Trump combined his white grievance politics with a (mostly disingenuous) suggestion of white herrenvolk social democracy, which appealed to white conservatives.”
Finally, isolating Trump’s supposed “moderation” as the reason for his success suggests that he stumbled upon / innovated a genius new platform – when really, there is absolutely nothing new about rightwing demagogues outlining a vision of a white herrenvolk welfare state.
Large parts of white America turned on the idea of “welfare” when it was expanded to include traditionally marginalized groups. It’s always been about who deserves aid and protection and who doesn’t, and race has always been the key organizing principle behind that question.
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The NYT editorial board thinks “America Has a Free Speech Problem” – and presents a purely mythical idea of what “free speech” is, an a-historical tale of the country’s past, and a narrative that is detached from the current reality of the political conflict.
Some thoughts: 1/
First of all, the editorial perpetuates a misleading myth of what “free speech” is. They initially define it as the right of the people “to speak their minds and voice their opinions in public without fear of being shamed or shunned.” Such a right has never existed anywhere. 2/
Deep into the piece, the editorial board acknowledges that this is actually not what “free speech” means, and that the Constitution defines it, in their words, as “freedom from government restrictions on expression.” 3/
Why does the “cancel culture” idea play such an outsized role in liberal / mainstream media coverage?
We need to look at both ideological and structural factors: a confluence of reactionary centrism and a system that incentivizes #BothSides “balance” above all else.
Reactionary centrism is the ideology that animates many of the people who shape media coverage. A disproportionate percentage of those people are white men, and the fact that elite white men face a little more scrutiny today than in the past has caused quite a bit of anxiety.
#metoo is another excellent example of this dynamic: As soon as traditionally marginalized groups gain enough power and enough of a platform to make their demands for respect and accountability heard, certain white people (predominantly men) start bemoaning “persecution.”
Actually, it’s the standard-bearer of the Right, the political leader of the Republican Party, the likely 2024 GOP presidential candidate, calling for a violent struggle to the death against the enemy within.
An enemy, by the way, that is supposedly everywhere, dominates all the powerful institutions of American life - very much including the Democratic Party, which is therefore not just a political opponent, but a fundamentally illegitimate, “Un-American” faction.
The leader of the Republican Party has abandoned - and is actively assaulting - the foundations of democratic political culture. Accepting the legitimacy of the political opponent and denouncing the use of political violence: Trump is delighting in crossing those lines.
In last week’s column for @GuardianUS, I wrote about how the Right is infatuated with foreign autocrats like Putin who they perceive as defenders of “Christian values.”
I’d like to address a few reactions to the piece - and some misconceptions about white Christian nationalism:
There are four common reactions / misconceptions I’d like to address:
- “These are just fringe voices”
- “Putin is not a real Christian”
- “If they love Putin so much, why don’t they go live in Russia?”
- “How can they possibly go from hating Communism to loving Putin?”
1) ”Just the fringe”
Like I said in my column, to describe Donald Trump, the Right’s political leader, and Tucker Carlson, one of its key media activists, as “fringe” is either wishful thinking and / or deliberately disingenuous.
I very much agree with @imillhiser. But you know what, I’d settle for “Republicans want to abolish democracy, Democrats want to preserve it - We don’t care who wins, but here’s what’s up.” The key problem is that too many journalists are actively obscuring what is going on.
It’s not even necessarily the “I don’t have a horse in this race” attitude that is so disastrous. It’s the complicity in the assault on democracy that results from the norm of valuing “neutrality” over objectivity, producing coverage that privileges the radicalizing Right.
If political journalists adhered to a strict pro-truth, pro-evidence, pro-objectivity bias, we wouldn’t necessarily need an active commitment to democracy over other forms of government. What we need is clear, factual coverage of the GOP’s anti-democratic radicalization.
This is such a key point. There are always established norms for what is and what is not acceptable “speech,” and there are always sanctions for deviating from those norms. The real questions are: Where are the boundaries? Who gets to define them? What are the sanctions?
The Free Speech Crusaders don’t want to have a debate about these specifics, which would have to include an actual case-by-case analysis, instead clinging to vague insinuations of widespread “cancel culture.” Because once you get into specifics, their case quickly disintegrates.
Take the infamous NYT student op-ed. Once we move beyond generalized accusations of leftwing “cancel” threats, the Free Speech Brigade’s argument seems to be: “The student should not have had to deal with disapproving looks from peers.” Talk about the “marketplace of ideas”…