There are many noteworthy details:
* a helpful outlining of how dataset retention processes actually occur
* a warning “it is difficult to see how any collection of personal information [in an approved class of dataset] might be excluded given the breadth of their scope” [11]
* an appreciation the Federal Court will get direct notification of NSIRA’s audits of CSIS dataset activity rather than having to rely on public reports which “are necessarily vague, for national security reasons” [16]
* a question about what parts of the CSIS’ legislation the Court is specifically worried/thinking about when it comes to not knowing how the Service may execute judicial orders in excess of the dataset regime [16]
* a detailed discussion of how CSIS fulfils its duty of candour
* pushback against “the proposals by the Service on how the datasets might be updated and edited by additions, deletions and corrections on an ongoing basis. It appeared that the Service sought carte blanche to revise the database without further authorization from the Court ...”
* also “…information could be queried or exploited” w/o “reference to the particular context in which it had been collected. This could have implications for the privacy interests of the individuals concerned, particularly if” info “was to be shared with foreign agencies.” [40]
* the amici process worked by serving a challenge function + worked to draft conditions attached to how the Service could exploit/communicate about the datasets [39-46]
* NSIRA, not the courts, was found as the better party to review/report on dataset exploitation [43-44]
* 2 conditions added: 1) CSIS must notify the Court of any determination that an update, other than an update pertaining to contact information, is to be made and places a hold on the update should the Court require further information or submissions regarding …”
the proposed change” [45]
2) “a text be applied to any report querying or exploiting the dataset which describes the context in which the dataset was obtained including the circumstances of the individuals to whom the information pertains.” [46]
Takeaways:
1) CSIS is, as expected, acquiring datasets. In this case two Canadian datasets from government institutions.
2) The authorization regime leads to approved classes of datasets being “exceptionally broad in scope” and make it hard to “see how any collection of personal information might be excluded given the breadth of their scope. [11]
3) The Court’s regular, and well publicized, findings of the Service not meetings its duty of candour (and, perhaps, NSIRA’s review into this topic as well) is leading to changes in how the Service appears/works when before the Court
(Also: HT to @tamir_i for letting me know of the Court's decision!)
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
On May 5 2022, the Intelligence Commissioner’s Office (ICO) released their 2021 Annual Report (available at: canada.ca/en/intelligenc…).
In this 🧵 I unpack some of what I found in my initial analysis of it.
1a. The ICO believes that the “regime of oversight is functioning as it was intended by Parliament”, speaking to how the Commissioner regards the efficacy of his office’s work.
1b. Given that (in theory) we’re moving to a review of national security in the coming months/year this is a signal that future Committees should register or take into account when assessing or proposing reforms.
In terms of outlining what Canada will do on the world stage this serves to pull together a lot of the different activities that happen in international fora and explain what Canada will do to uphold, facilitate, and advance its interests.
I recognize that this isn’t as exciting as the use of the Emergencies Act, tumult in Ottawa, etc, but this report provides a lot of useful insight into cyber defences in Canada. And a whole lot of attribution of hostile parties and what they’ve done historically.
As just one example, the chart on CSE’s history of sensors is just mostly public now. Up until very recently (as in a few months ago) CSE would fight to keep this information secret.
We also get much more detailed description of when active defensive operations can be conducted; I don’t recall seeing this level of detail elsewhere, previously.
This is a really great story from @business and congrats to the reporters for getting the story. A few comments:
1) At its core, this is a story of a Chinese government HUMINT operation that saw intel agencies push compromised software updates to operator networks
2) Subsequently, tipped off by this, US agencies saw similar activities targeting Huawei equipment in the USA. This is part of what has led to the drumbeat of ‘we can’t trust Huawei equipment in our networks’. (Me: I’m curious about Canadian, UK, and New Zealand networks!)
From ISED (pm.gc.ca/en/mandate-let…): plans for more natsec/surveillance around university research; right to repair stuff; update the Investment Cnd Act to support natsec assessments, more on Digital Charter, DARPA-like program
From PSC (pm.gc.ca/en/mandate-let…): CBSA review body promised, focus on financial crimes, legislation planned for 5G/critical infrastructure, more intel sharing with Cnd partners targeting research/investment; more natsec-related resources to RCMP and other security agencies [½]
More from PSC: involved in cybersecurity plan/strategy, focus on ideologically-inspired extremism + attention to cybercriminals/terroists; implement Clare’s Law; more digital surveillance at the borders, and improve security to ministers/MPs
In this thread I’ll be highlighting some items of note, and general thoughts, on what we learned about our national security agencies as well as their review body. I’ll be structuring using the top-line headings in the report in case you want to follow along.
Section: Message to Members
The first thing to note is NSIRA recognizes the lack of access to offices and/or information have delayed reviews. Practically, staff have lacked access to classified materials which they regularly depend on to conduct reviews.