Three findings from analyzing the recent “Securing Canada’s Telecommunications Systems” policy statement:
1. the government is unclear when referring to “supply chain breaches” making it challenging to assess the specific risks being addressed
2. The government may be banning Huawei and ZTE principally on the basis of American export restrictions placed on Chinese vendors and, thus, be following the same model as the United Kingdom which was forced to ban Huawei following American actions; and
3. Establishing the security and protection of telecommunications systems as an “overriding objective” of Canadian telecommunications policy could have long-term implications for Canadians’ privacy interests.
Policy Implications: 1. We’re certain to see reforms to CSE’s Security Review Program. Open question: what will Huawei’s reaction be, and to what extent will it modify its involvement in the assessments of its 4G equipment that is currently assessed?
2. We could see an update to the Canadian Security Telecommunications Advisory Committee’s “Security Best Practices for Canadian Telecommunications Service Providers (TSPs).”
3. Open questions of what it means to make security “an overriding objective” for 🇨🇦 Telecoms Policy
4. Assuming security assumes a heightened role, then more direction to the CRTC will be needed. May also need to revisit role(s) of the Privacy Commissioner, Heritage Department, etc that have equities at play
5. I hope the government lives up to its transparency in national security commitment, with the effect of producing/releasing an equivalent to the UK’s ‘Telecoms Supply Chain Review Report’
Political Implications of Banning Huawei and ZTE: 1. Might be able to declare we made a ‘sovereign’ decision by waiting for the Michaels come home and USA to stop bullying Canada on Huawei. But if decision was forced by US sanctions on Huawei how sovereign a decision was it?
2. A vendor-neutral assessment might let Canadian foreign service officers argue this isn’t an anti-China decision but based on security
3. How the ban was announced was a slap to China’s face. Linked to natsec reviews of academic research, Canada should expect consequences.
4. I think the banning decision is mostly geostrategic and forward looking, as opposed to based on contemporary threats posed by Huawei/ZTE equipment
5. Will reforms to the Telecom Act be linked with broader government strategies on foreign policy, industrial policy, and cybersecurity? While I hope so, I’m not going to hold my breath
The government *must not* link Telecom Act reform, needed to enable security assessments, to broader a extension of powers to law enforcement, security, or intelligence agencies. Doing so would poison the debate and bill.
Ultimately, I think the reforms to the Telecoms Act are arguably very needed. But need to supplement with Canada working to convene international allies and partners to collectively undertaking security review of vendors’ equipment and sharing results.
Collective information assurance will help to better secure individuals all around the world. If Canada is going to be a ‘convening nation’ then it should get to work convening collective information assurance meetings to enhance cybersecurity around the world.
I can't emphasize how important it is for this issue to be taken very, very seriously. The interpreters working for the Government of Canada, and responsible for translating legislative proceedings, are absolutely top class.
The complaints they are raising are self-apparent to anyone who has been before committee over the past few years.
I've repeatedly witness senior executives complain about using government-approved headsets, showing up having not done technical testing, etc.
There are many noteworthy details:
* a helpful outlining of how dataset retention processes actually occur
* a warning “it is difficult to see how any collection of personal information [in an approved class of dataset] might be excluded given the breadth of their scope” [11]
* an appreciation the Federal Court will get direct notification of NSIRA’s audits of CSIS dataset activity rather than having to rely on public reports which “are necessarily vague, for national security reasons” [16]
On May 5 2022, the Intelligence Commissioner’s Office (ICO) released their 2021 Annual Report (available at: canada.ca/en/intelligenc…).
In this 🧵 I unpack some of what I found in my initial analysis of it.
1a. The ICO believes that the “regime of oversight is functioning as it was intended by Parliament”, speaking to how the Commissioner regards the efficacy of his office’s work.
1b. Given that (in theory) we’re moving to a review of national security in the coming months/year this is a signal that future Committees should register or take into account when assessing or proposing reforms.
In terms of outlining what Canada will do on the world stage this serves to pull together a lot of the different activities that happen in international fora and explain what Canada will do to uphold, facilitate, and advance its interests.
I recognize that this isn’t as exciting as the use of the Emergencies Act, tumult in Ottawa, etc, but this report provides a lot of useful insight into cyber defences in Canada. And a whole lot of attribution of hostile parties and what they’ve done historically.
As just one example, the chart on CSE’s history of sensors is just mostly public now. Up until very recently (as in a few months ago) CSE would fight to keep this information secret.
We also get much more detailed description of when active defensive operations can be conducted; I don’t recall seeing this level of detail elsewhere, previously.
This is a really great story from @business and congrats to the reporters for getting the story. A few comments:
1) At its core, this is a story of a Chinese government HUMINT operation that saw intel agencies push compromised software updates to operator networks
2) Subsequently, tipped off by this, US agencies saw similar activities targeting Huawei equipment in the USA. This is part of what has led to the drumbeat of ‘we can’t trust Huawei equipment in our networks’. (Me: I’m curious about Canadian, UK, and New Zealand networks!)