The decisions by Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Finland to ban Russian citizens with tourist visas from entering their countries have provoked indignant responses from many prominent “good Russians.” This indignation is telling and deserves a closer look. 🧵
As Putin opponents and Ukraine war critics, they are furious about Russia’s neighbors’ reluctance to open their borders. Their response reveals an important “blind spot” in the way that even the most outspoken and liberal Russians see themselves.
Predictably, they usually insist on referring to Russia’s aggression in Ukraine as Putin’s war rather than Russia’s war. This conveniently absolves regular Russians of responsibility for the horrific attack perpetrated against a sovereign nation. But there is more to it.
Their outraged reaction is prima facie evidence of unexamined imperial mindset. Or, to borrow @BotakozKassymb1 and @EricaMarat elegant formulation, “imperial innocence.” ponarseurasia.org/time-to-questi…
The genuine inability to see why Russia’s neighbors are weary of allowing in a large number of Russians lays bare the fact that even the so called “good Russians” routinely fail to see their own country as their neighbors see it. As a ruthless and genocidal colonial power.
The fact that even the most outspoken opponents of Putin’s regime fail on this count demonstrates the continuing potency of the imperial mindset in Russian society. That the idea of Russian exceptionalism is deeply internalized even by Russia’s liberals is telling.
In the depressingly ubiquitous narrative, colonialism is something that only the old European powers were guilty of, never Russia. And even among Putin’s most prominent critics, reckoning with #RussianColonialism is typically nowhere to be found.
A brilliant 🧵 by @MuKappa lays out how Russia is seen by its neighbors today. Until and unless this reckoning happens among the Russian population, Russia’s neighbors are right to be weary whether or not Putin remains in the Kremlin.

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More from @azamatistan

Sep 24
Kremlin’s barbaric war in #Ukraine️ has been widely condemned by Western politicians. What has received much less attention is the fact that a grossly disproportionate share of servicemen in the Russian army are from non-Slavic ethnicities previously colonized by Russia. 🧵
In modern Russia, they face deeply ingrained racism, discrimination, and limited economic opportunities. Yet, their communities are bearing the brunt of Putin’s “partial mobilization.” It appears to be the result of a deliberate policy.
This is a policy designed to shelter the privileged ethnic Russians in Moscow, Saint Petersburg, and other large cities from the horrors of the war. In this deeply cynical calculation, lives of Buryats, Tuvans, and other impoverished and subjugated minorities matter less.
Read 6 tweets
Sep 2
A few days ago I wrote about the way in which Russia’s long colonial rule in #Kazakhstan warped my own relationship to the #Kazakh language and culture. The responses to the thread were both eye-opening and thought-provoking. The original🧵:
Growing up in the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic, I was taught that Russia’s presence in Central Asia was a noble gift of modernity and civilization. Full stop. The word “colonialism” was NEVER used. The strength and staying power of this narrative is hard to exaggerate.
Read 12 tweets
Aug 30
The unabashedly imperialist zeitgeist of Russia’s war against #Ukraine has been deeply unsettling and has spurred much reflection about my own identity and my family’s history. This long🧵 is an attempt to begin to make sense of my relationship to the Kazakh language and culture.
It was inspired in large part by the thought-provoking ideas put forth by @BotakozKassymb1 and @EricaMarat in their excellent piece for @ponarseurasia ponarseurasia.org/time-to-questi…
I’m a middle-aged Kazakh man born and raised in Kazakhstan, yet my command of the Kazakh language is tenuous at best and I have but a passing familiarity with Kazakh traditions and culture.
Read 17 tweets

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