1. Having fully digested Trump's emergency application to #SCOTUS, here's a quick #thread on what it's really asking for, why it's not *entirely* laughable, and why I nevertheless think that it's both (1) doomed to fail; and (2) unlikely to accomplish much even if it succeeds:
2. In short, Trump is asking #SCOTUS to vacate *part* of the Eleventh Circuit's stay in the Mar-a-Lago case. In essence, he's arguing that the 100+ classified documents at issue *should* be part of the pile before Judge Dearie, and that under the 11th Cir.'s stay, they're not.
3. Critically, he's *not* arguing that the 11th Cir. was wrong to stay that part of Cannon's order that *enjoined* DOJ from using those documents. So the relief he's seeking wouldn't stop DOJ from continuing to do whatever it's doing; it would just *also* add to the Dearie mess.
4. To get there, the brief tries to thread a very fine needle, arguing that, although the *injunction* was properly before the Eleventh Circuit, the rest of the order was not, so Dearie shouldn't be affected. This gets into the messy doctrine of "pendent appellate jurisdiction."
5. Short course on pendent jurisdiction: At pre-final ("interlocutory") stages of litigation, appeals are generally disfavored, limited to specific issues (rather than the whole case). The question is whether the rest of Cannon's order is intertwined with the injunction (or not).
6. Personally, I think DOJ has a very good argument that the issues *are* pendent, and so the Eleventh Circuit had the ability to do everything that it did in staying Judge Cannon's order. If that's correct, then Trump's argument for emergency relief fails on the "merits."
7. But emergency relief is (supposed to be) about *more* than the merits. To vacate a lower-court stay, Trump also has to show that the stay is causing him irreparable harm (harm that justifies #SCOTUS's emergency intervention, rather than waiting for a later plenary appeal).
8. And this is what's most conspicuously absent from his application: Any argument about how the stay, by itself, is harming Trump in a way that can't be ameliorated later. Without meeting that criteria, Trump can't make out the *procedural* case for the relief he's seeking.
9. To be sure, the Supreme Court in recent years hasn't always been ... consistent ... in its analysis of irreparable harm in ruling on emergency applications. But here, it provides an easy and obvious off-ramp to dodge what is a non-frivolous dispute over pendent jurisdiction.
10. So my best guess is that the Court will deny the application, although some Justices may write separately.
Two last points on what to take away from this filing:
First, what Trump is asking for is *very* modest. Even *if* he wins, it won't stop DOJ from doing *anything.*
11. Second, this is what good lawyers who are stuck do to appease bad clients: The jurisdictional argument is narrow, technical, and non-frivolous. It's a way of filing *something* in the Supreme Court without going all the way to crazytown and/or acting unethically.
12. That point reinforces the big takeaway: This is a very specific and narrow request by Trump the merits of which turn on a technical jurisdictional question, but which runs into fatal procedural obstacles long before that. It's not laughable, but only because it's small.
/end
Coda: Yes, this filing goes to Justice Thomas as Circuit Justice. But for as cynical as I know many people have become, I don't see a universe in which he grants it by himself rather than allowing the full Court to resolve it. And even if he does, the full Court can overrule him.
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Just filed at #SCOTUS: Our new amicus brief on why Texas's transparent judge shopping ought to way against its effort to block the Biden Administration's immigration enforcement priorities — including data on how what Texas is doing is *much* worse than blue states suing Trump:
I'm enormously grateful to @LinzCHarrison, @samungar, and their colleagues at @JennerBlockLLP, and to Max Wolson and his team at @NILC, without all of whom this brief would not have been possible.
(This brief is a longer and more in-depth version of a brief we filed earlier this summer in the federal government's unsuccessful attempt to stay the district court's injunction pending appeal. The expanded version is in support of the federal government's appeal on the merits.)
I'm *really* excited to share that my book THE SHADOW DOCKET — an in-depth introduction to the problematic rise of unsigned and unexplained #SCOTUS rulings affecting all of us — is now available for pre-order (and due out from @BasicBooks next May):
The "shadow docket" is the less-accessible side of #SCOTUS's workload — the 1000s of unsigned (and usually unexplained) orders the Justices hand down each year.
Historically, these orders have been limited in both their scope and impact. But that's changed *a lot* since 2017.
From immigration to elections; from abortion to the death penalty; from religious liberty to the power of federal executive agencies; #SCOTUS has — with increasing frequency — intervened preemptively, if not prematurely, in some of our country’s most fraught political disputes.
Key point in AG Garland's statement: DOJ was willing to do this quietly, *without* making a public spectacle of the search.
It was *President Trump's* decision to make it public that turned this all into a spectacle (and is leading DOJ to move to unseal part of the application).
(1) This underscores the professionalism on the government's side; (2) it's a rather powerful counterweight to the claim from Trump and his supporters that this is about scoring political points (how do you do that silently?); and (3) it puts the ball in Trump's court ... again.
The immediate question now is whether President Trump will *oppose* DOJ's request to unseal parts of the search warrant application and seized property list. Judge Reinhart can do it *anyway,* but Trump's response will be one to watch.
This @WashTimes piece about the #SCOTUS amicus brief we filed re: Texas’s blatant judge-shopping in its 28 suits against the Biden Administration might’ve been more thorough if the two “critics” it quotes had actually … read the brief:
For its first 101 years, and most of its first 135 years, #SCOTUS decided the cases Congress *told it* to decide.
It's only a post-1925 innovation that the Justices have so much control over their docket. Maybe it's time for Congress to consider taking back some of that control?
To be clear, this is *not* about "jurisdiction-stripping." It's the opposite: this is the third straight Term #SCOTUS decided < 60 cases — a total it hadn't fallen below since 1864. To me, having Congress take more of a role in shaping the Court's docket can only be a good thing.
Many will want more aggressive reforms. Fair enough. My only point is that here is relatively low-hanging fruit that ought not to be seen as an *attack* on the Court, but rather the salutary and long-overdue restoration of a healthier interbranch dynamic:
1. #Thread on the two #SCOTUS decisions we expect at 10 and 10:10 ET this morning — West Virginia v. EPA (climate change) and Biden v. Texas ("Remain in Mexico").
We *don't* know the order in which we'll get them; we just know they're coming because they're all that's left.
2. First of the two is climate change. For the six conservatives (with Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan dissenting), Chief Justice Roberts holds that Congress did *not* give EPA the authority to impose emissions caps:
3. The majority relies on "major questions" doctrine to hold that Congress was not sufficiently clear in the scope of the power it was delegating to the EPA. This has *enormous* implications not just for climate change, but for administrative law more generally. A huge decision.