Joel Wuthnow Profile picture
Dec 1 7 tweets 3 min read
#Xi Jinping picked a new slate of top military leaders at the 20th Party Congress in October. Can this selection tell us anything about his plans for #Taiwan? In a new China Leadership Monitor article, I offer some thoughts.
Short thread (1/7)
prcleader.org
Media reports focused on appt of new Vice Chairman He Weidong (former Eastern TC cdr) as a sign of Xi focus on TW. Probably true if unsurprising, but I don’t see the new CMC as a war cabinet – hard to infer much about his intent re use of force. (2/7)
scmp.com/news/china/mil…
First reason is there is more consistency than change in the CMC’s structure & lineup. Same offices represented. Half the same people, including surprising return of 72-year old Zhang Youxia. Like the PBSC, Xi values deliberations in small groups of people he knows well. (3/7)
Second, despite He’s appointment, there isn’t much TW expertise here. Xu Qiliang’s departure meant no one left with op experience in Nanjing MR. He was a logical choice to fill a gap, esp if China has a 2027 goal to be ready for conflict with TW. (4/7)
news.usni.org/2021/06/23/mil…
Rather, Xi revealed that he wants varied expertise – service in multiple theaters, mix of operators and political commissars, those with combat, those with adv degrees. This speaks to a need for advice him on big strategic issues, not narrow operational ones. (5/7)
Third, the new lineup wouldn’t work effectively as a war high command bc all are Army officers by background (a couple moved to other services as political commissars) and bc of the serious lack of joint expertise. New JSD chief Liu Zhenli has never held a joint position. (6/7)
This may not be the right group to direct a war, but could become one if Xi blunders into a conflict in the next 5 years. Most worrisome is if Xi’s dominance precludes candid advice – reverse of the PLA talking late Jiang Zemin out of unrealistic Taiwan goals years ago. (7/7)

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More from @jwuthnow

Dec 2
What role would South Korea play in a future U.S.-#China conflict? In a joint study, @INSSatNDU and the Korea Institute for Defense Analyses examine 3 scenarios. Initial findings in the latest Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, available here:
kida.re.kr/index.do
(1/5) Image
Two articles detail how Washington and Seoul would interpret the ROK alliance’s function in a 2020s SCS scenario. China has used force against Filipino marines at Second Thomas Shoal, repeating previous incidents, most recently in November 2021.
amti.csis.org/the-second-tho…
(2/5)
I argue that the U.S. would encourage the ROK to join a broad int condemnation of PRC aggression, help Manila weather any PRC economic coercion, and help counter disinformation. Based on common interests in preserving a rules-based regional order.
doi.org/10.22883/kjda.…
(3/5)
Read 5 tweets
Nov 30
The 2022 @DeptofDefense #China Military Power Report has been released. A thread on notable developments in this year’s report. (1/16)
defense.gov/CMPR/
Once again, a prodigious effort by DOD team – report began by Congressional mandate in 2000 and the current edition is the second led by DASD-China @Michael_S_Chase, offering valuable insights into PLA activities and developments updated mostly through the end of 2021. (2/16)
The report inserted on pg. 5 initial analysis of the 20th PC. Highlighted the “strategic deterrent force system” (战略威慑力量体系) – a topic of interest for DASD Chase who has written about #China’s strategic deterrence for RAND. (3/16)
rand.org/pubs/research_…
Read 16 tweets
Oct 23
What should we make of #China’s new Central Military Commission? A short thread (1/n) amp.scmp.com/news/china/mil…
Overall, I see more consistency than change. Same size, composition, and three of the same members (50%) plus Xi returning for another tour. (2/n)
Xi broke norms to keep old friend Zhang Youxia and skip He Weidong a grade to vice chair. But these are weak norms. There have been older officers before (Liu Huaqing) and others have skipped grades (3/n)
Read 8 tweets
Oct 17
There was also a reference in 2022 to the need to "strengthen the study of military history" (加强军史学习教育). Can't move into the future without grasping the past. Also, recent military history (Russia) likely demands attention and reflection. 9/n
There is also a stronger sense of confidence. The 2022 report mentions that the PLA now "has confidence, has capabilities" (有信心, 有能力) three times. This is supplied by a formidable new structure and new weapons rolled out over the last 5 years. 10/n
The report also confirms the 2027 modernization timeline (建军一百年奋斗目标), which must be completed "on schedule." (U.S. officials say that a focus is to be ready for a Taiwan contingency). 11/n
Read 4 tweets
Oct 17
What's new for #China's armed forces in the 20th Party Congress Work Report? Several items offer clues on #Xi Jinping's priorities & direction for the PLA over the next 5 years. Thread 1/n Image
Xi references the need to "build a strong strategic deterrent force system" (打造强大战略威慑力量体系). Absent from previous speeches. Evokes China's ongoing nuclear expansion and diversification.
Adding back in “local wars" (打赢局部战争). The 19th PC work report only mentioned "fighting and winning wars". Xi clearly focused on regional contingencies such as Taiwan. 3/n
Read 12 tweets
Sep 22
How prepared is #China to respond to a domestic emergency? What is the role of the People’s Armed Police? How in control of the internal security forces is #Xi Jinping? I address in a new @chinaquarterly article

cambridge.org/core/journals/…

Short Thread 1/8
In 2018, the PAP (China’s primary internal security force) was moved fully into the military chain of command under Xi, reducing ability of local officials to mobilize PAP during emergencies. For overview, see an earlier @NDU_EDU publication

inss.ndu.edu/Media/News/Art…
Dilemma was that localities still need PAP capabilities to respond to national disasters and large scale unrest. Updated PAP Law contained a loophole for PAP to “report while acting” – mobilizing before full approval process has completed
3/8
Read 8 tweets

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