This is a long thread, but worth it if you want insight into the #UNP's governance structure and what's going on in #SriLanka now.
In the late 2000s, I edited a report on inner-party democracy (citation at the bottom of the thread). Here's what stayed with me:
At its founding in 1946, the UNP convention was vital. It comprised delegates elected by the members of branches which were the UNP’s basic units. The convention appointed the leader and secretary. The 16-chapter constitution adopted after 1977 is starkly different.
The membership lost the right to elect its leader. All major decisions were to be taken by the leader or committees appointed by him. It contains no provisions to remove an incumbent leader. And all members of the working committee today are the leader’s nominees.
The leader has total authority to appoint and replace all office-bearers. The constitution does not mention the appointment of the leader. But Article 8 states that, whenever a vacancy arises in the leadership, the national executive committee must fill it.
That power, however, could be delegated to the working committee. The deputy leader, assistant leader, party chairman, general secretary and treasurer are appointed by the leader. Their powers, too, are determined by him.
All other officials are appointed on the recommendation of the leader. The UNP has committees to facilitate party functions. The political affairs committee is chaired by the leader and has 13 members appointed by the leader.
The deputy leader, chairman, general secretary and deputy general secretary and national organizer are ex-officio members. The leader appoints eight other senior MPs as members. The media and publicity committee meetings are chaired by the leader.
The management committee is chaired by the deputy leader. The chairman, general secretary, deputy general secretary, treasurer and vice chairman in charge of legal affairs are members.
Hierarchically, the party convention is the highest body followed by the national executive committee and working committee. Branches are the smallest unit.
They are connected to electorate-level ‘kottasha balamandala’ (electoral organizations) and district-level ‘district balamandala’ (district organizations). The youth, women and other affiliated organizations connect up at different levels.
In the UNP, almost all powers are constitutionally concentrated within the top leadership. While critical decision-making powers are vested in the working committee, it is the leader that appoints its members.
Just as there is no provision for a leader’s replacement, there is no entity or mechanism to challenge his powers. People appointed by the leader exclusively handle financial operations.
Through the working committee, the leader selects nominees for elections and directly appoints chairmen to kottasha balamandala. While the party has an established multi-layered structure, the working committee exerts control over it.
The diversity of the membership is only reflected by the youth and women’s organizations. There are just three affiliates: trade unions, professional and foreign organizations. Anyone can be a member but there is no mention of their rights.
And party membership does not appear to be a precondition for holding office in the UNP. Delegation of powers is confined to appointment of committee. Some powers are distributed to office bearers. There is no provision at all for devolution of power.
There are no provisions to ensure transparency and accountability in the decision-making process.
The working committee is entrusted with practical administration. Technically, it is the representative body of the national executive committee.
Practically, it exercises authority over the party because it meets more often. To recap: Since there is no provision in the constitution for the removal of a leader, he or she may remain there for life. The leader appoints all office bearers including the deputy leader.
All appointments to the working committee--in practice, the highest decision-making body, are made by the leader. All district and electoral leaders as well as officials of affiliated organizations are appointed by the leader.
Source: 'Research Report on Inner-Party Democracy, Accountability and Transparency' published by South Asia Peace Institute. Researchers: Shiral Lakthilaka, Charitha Herath and Saman Senadheera.
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Is bypassing regulatory oversight, including evaluation, the answer to solving medicines shortages that were caused by not only dollar shortages but sheer inefficiency, lethargy, lack of coordination and procrastination? Are walk-in offers by unregistered pharma companies ok?
While grateful for #India's credit line for medical supplies, and while appreciating that it mandates procurement via #Indian companies, did India ask #SriLanka to bypass regulatory oversight?
Did #Indian suppliers influence #SriLanka's health ministry to list all manner of non-essential, non-urgent medicines, including shampoo and cough medicines, on the procurement lists? If not, why is Sri Lanka borrowing for such items when even vital cancer drugs are unavailable?
Here’s a medical supplies issue I’ve covered for weeks but was too tired to tweet about. It’s related to drugs shortages, procurement and Indian credit. Specialists are repeatedly warning it poses a significant danger to public health.
The Health Ministry is using the Indian credit line (ICL) to procure drugs from Indian manufacturers outside of registration by the National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA and without evaluation, citing “urgency”. The medical community is furious.
Will the Indian regulatory authority permit the same for its public? Will the US Food and Drug Administration? Then why is the Indian Foreign Minister participating in this process which is STRONGLY objected to by Sri Lanka’s medical community?
While I understand the sentiment, it is time #SriLanka accepts that electing or defeating--or, for that matter, dramatically chasing out--an individual will not change anything. Nothing. Because new people come in and abuse entrenched systems.
This was one of the key reasons for why the #aragalaya didn't lead to a fundamental improvement in the state of this country. There was euphoria at chasing @GotabayaR out. Then what? Other people waltzed in and took over.
The real struggle is long and it's persistent. It takes years. It lies in secretaries and officials saying "no", irrespective of the person at the top. In following due procedures, laid down for the protection of everyone's rights. In decades of endless fighting.
#SriLanka's National Audit Office has found that drugs shortages aren't just caused by the forex crisis. Officials are to blame. Computer systems aren't updated. There's no coordination. And procurement schedules are ignored. sundaytimes.lk/220626/news/me…
It also found a sharp drop in the financial allocation and expenditure for medical supplies. The Health Ministry’s total net allocation was Rs. 85.9bn in 2020, of which 99 percent went towards medical supplies...
...Last year, the total net allocation was Rs. 151.9bn, of which just 50 percent was for medical supplies. But this is STILL higher than the quarterly average expenditure for medical supplies this year....
A Four Corners investigation, in collaboration with Colombo's @TimesOnlineLK also established that Aspen Medical has been embroiled in an international criminal probe into corruption and money laundering. Airing tonight. #SriLanka
//However, Aspen Medical's first transaction in Sri Lanka — the payment of 1.4 million euros ($2.1 million) to a mysterious British-Virgin Islands-domiciled company called Sabre Vision Holdings — is what caught the attention of Colombo police.//
//The company was secretly owned by a middleman, Nimal Perera, notorious for his links to the Rajapaksa family which has dominated Sri Lankan politics for decades.//