Ben Raue Profile picture
Mar 13 11 tweets 4 min read
Today's blog post analyses preference data that could shed light into which way crossbenchers could jump if they find themselves in a kingmaker role in a hung parliament. #nswpol tallyroom.com.au/51212
Most of this data is based on the full ballot paper dataset. I don't know when this dataset will be available for 2023 but the 2019 data might still shed some light.
This chart shows how those who cast a '1' vote for the nine crossbenchers marked their prefs between ALP and Coalition.

GRN voters flowed very strongly to ALP. Greenwich and Butler had a noticeable lean to ALP but the exhaust rate for the INDs and Shooters was very high A chart showing how primary votes from the nine crossbencher
Let's look at the 2PP for all voters in these seats.

Apart from the urban Greens seats, no major party wins the 2PP in any of the others outright. The Coalition leads five seats, with Labor leading in Lake Macquarie and the Greens seats. Two party preferred votes for the nine seats won by crossben
It's worth noting the narrow Liberal win in Sydney - I suspect this is a creature of progressive voters not bothering to preference Labor. It probably isn't an accurate reflection of what would happen in Greenwich's absence.
Now I'm looking at the LC vote. Unsurprisingly GRN and Shooters were strong in the seats they won.

The right vote in the four rural independent seats (Lib/Nats, Shooters, One Nation etc) is dominant, but Sydney looks quite different. ALP + GRN + Keep Sydney Open polled over 51%. Legislative Council vote share in the nine seats won by cros
This data demonstrates why it would be so hard for the Greens to not back a Labor government.

Piper and Greenwich have more room to move but their seats have a leftward lean. I think it would be quite hard for the other four rural independents to back Labor.
It's worth noting that Roy Butler generally has a larger Labor presence on each of these metrics compared to the other rural independents. #nswpol
Finally this is the first part of a chart showing the primary vote origin of all votes for each of the candidates in the 2CP in these seats. Interesting to see which other parties contributed the most to these MPs winning. #nswpol A chart showing the primary vote of 2CP votes in the seats o
BTW today's SMH profile of Alex Greenwich by @JordsBaker features Clover Moore describing his seat as "notionally blue" - technically true but I think misleading, and ignores that Greenwich's voters are mostly from the left.
Oh also @shane_easson has reminded me that Sydney is now notionally Labor post-redistribution - his calculations are 50.5%, mine 50.8%.

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More from @benraue

Nov 29, 2022
My blog post today analyses why there was a significant swing against Labor but basically no change in the seat count.
Labor suffered a swing of about 3% on 2PP, and a primary vote swing of about 6% (Coalition primary was steady). The pendulum suggested such a swing would cost them 7 seats to the Coalition yet at the moment they’ve lost one to the Greens and are even against the Coalition.
This chart explains why. It shows how many seats Labor, Coalition and crossbench held before and after the election (2018 figures are based on 2022 boundaries), and the seats are grouped by 2CP range. Image
Read 8 tweets
Nov 6, 2022
For today's blog post I'm analysing how three-cornered contests between ALP, Greens and Coalition play out with different preference flows between the parties. This chart shows who would win with a given 3CP based on different preference scenarios #VicVotes #springst Image
For this chart I looked at how preferences from the Liberal Party flowed at the 2018 election and plotted out a bunch of Greens contests from 2014 and 2018. You can see how an increased Greens vote could still see them lose if it also involves the Liberal Party dropping into 3rd. Image
And for this one, I looked at Greens contests from federal and QLD elections. Liberal preferences flowed more strongly to the ALP at the 2022 federal election. Image
Read 6 tweets
Jul 14, 2022
I’m not an expert on whether the CPRS was good policy but I know a bit about politics and the theory that the Greens voting against the CPRS led to “a decade of climate action” is just fantasy based on a specific alternative history.
A fantasy where the “climate wars” were ended in 2009 and Labor’s govt lasted in majority much longer than it did. All lost because of one Senate vote in 2009.
Firstly, the CPRS was a creature of a hostile Senate. Labor’s only path to a majority without the Coalition required the Greens, Nick Xenophon and the far right Steve Fielding of Family First.
Read 16 tweets

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