Some thoughts on the NDS Commission report & the South China Sea:
As most folks interested in national security issues are aware, the NDS Commission recently released an assessment of renewed great power competition and the state of the U.S. military. usip.org/sites/default/…
The headline of the analysis was one of grave concern, that: “America’s military superiority—the hard-power backbone of its global influence and national security—has eroded to a dangerous degree.” washingtonpost.com/world/national…
As sure as the sun rises, from predictable places arose a chorus of retort, accusing the report’s authors of focusing too much on military spending to the detriment of other priorities, or of threat inflation on behalf of the "Military Industrial Complex". nationalinterest.org/feature/proble…
In some cases these critics cast aside any pretense to objectivity, putting forward as their opening argument that the NDS Commission experts are defense-industry shills who could not possibly have arrived at their conclusions through honest assessment. pogo.org/analysis/2018/…
Side note: when I see a writer open w/ ad hominem attacks rather than by presenting the merits of the case, I see a warning flag: arguments to follow will likely be weak. Also note: these writers pay their own bills via employment at organizations which also have biases/agendas.
In any case, a specific example of great power challenges in the NDSC report is the eroding mil balance the U.S./allies face in the South China Sea, one of the world’s most vital seaways.
I won’t bore you with the amount of trade, oil, etc. that passes through it, but will rather get straight to an exposition on how much, and how rapidly, the military balance there has eroded over just the last 10 years, and how much it’s likely to further change in the future.
In 2008, China’s ability to exert control over much of the SCS was limited. Cruise-missile carrying aircraft like JH-7 fighter-bombers & H-6D bombers could theoretically roam over a fair bit of it, but would be unsupported at longer ranges by fighters they’d need to escort them.
China’s ASW capabilities were limited, with no real fixed-wing capability and a few helicopters that could only safely operate in the vicinity of Hainan island, perhaps venturing into the nearby Paracels. Coastal anti-ship cruise missile coverage would’ve been similarly limited.
By 2013, China had upgraded its fighter aircraft in the region to J-11B Flankers, which could range further into the central SCS to support strike aircraft. But the southern portion of the claimed Nine Dash Line remained beyond their reach, as well as the Sulu and Celebes Seas...
...where U.S. carriers could likely operate with relative impunity, projecting combat power into the SCS during a crisis. And U.S. submarines could still have operated fairly unmolested over the vast majority of the region.
As the most casual observer will recall, from 2013 to now has been eventful in the region, with China building fully-fledged air bases on huge artificial islands made of material dredged up from the sea floor - and doing enormous environmental damage. warontherocks.com/2016/09/chinas…
Though the islands’ facilities still seem to be under construction, China has already sent long range anti-air/anti-ship cruise missile (ASCM) units to them, in addition to permanent shorter-range air and missile defenses that grace each of their corners. thediplomat.com/2018/05/china-…
In 2017, China deployed a number of new long-range fixed-wing ASW aircraft to the region, with a number spotted operating out of Hainan Island. Similar to strike aircraft, these would be unlikely to venture far from the protection of friendly fighters. defensenews.com/space/2017/06/…
In overview, since China has yet to deploy aircraft to the island bases, it would seem the biggest changes through 2018 are ASCM coverage of most of the Nine Dash Line's area, as well as fixed-wing ASW patrol coverage over far more of the SCS.
It's in the future that the biggest changes are likely to come to fruition, and most significantly alter the military balance in the region. First, commercial satellite imagery this year revealed the construction of what seems likely to be a base for ballistic missile units...
...of China’s PLA Rocket Force. While it’s too early to know what types will be deployed there, given the heavily maritime nature of the theater my money would definitely be on anti-ship ballistic missile (ASBM) versions of the DF-21 MRBM and DF-26 IRBM. shephardmedia.com/news/defence-n…
Also, this year saw the beginnings of deployment of a heavily modernized version of China’s H-6 maritime strike bomber, promising far greater range and carriage of roughly three times the number of anti-ship missiles, in this case likely the deadly YJ-12. thediplomat.com/2018/10/chinas…
Finally, the next few years likely see the completion of construction of China’s island air bases. And while opinions vary on whether we'll see permanent basing of aircraft, I consider that outcome to be highly likely given the scale of facilities on them. spatialsource.com.au/gis-data/satel…
As a granular example, see these air conditioning units installed on every one of the 24 fighter-size hangars on each island, which tells me they are likely to someday house aircraft which will need to stay out of the humid air if kept there on a permanent basis.
Putting it all together, on current trajectory over, say, the next five or so years, I’d expect we will see maritime strike and ASW aircraft that can range throughout the South China, Sulu and Celebes Seas, all the way to Singapore - and all within Chinese fighter coverage.
...We can also expect ASBMs to be able to threaten any U.S./allied aircraft operating through most of the SCS (via DF-21s), and perhaps even DF-26 missile coverage well out into the Java Sea.
Bear in mind none of this even starts to consider the huge increase in capability the Chinese Navy is undergoing, with its first aircraft carriers going into service at the same time large numbers of modern & capable surface ships are being brought in. nytimes.com/2018/08/29/wor…
So, while some may debate whether China’s intentions are really aggressive, whether “a bunch of rocks” in the SCS are worth fighting for, or if the U.S. still has sufficient military advantage to deter conflict, what one can see through this progression (click through) is that...
...there has been a near-indisputable increase in Chinese military capabilities in the SCS, one that significantly erodes the U.S. military advantage in just the manner described in the NDSC Report.
Note: South Sea Fleet unit dispositions sourced mostly from IISS’s 2008/2013/2018 Military Balance. Aircraft & missile ranges sourced mostly from Janes’ IHS, as well as other open sources. All opinions mine alone & do not represent those of U.S. Navy, DoD, or the U.S. Government.
* DF-21/26 ASBMs threaten U.S./allied aircraft _carriers_, not aircraft
Note: DF-21/26 ASBMs threaten U.S./allied aircraft *carriers*, not aircraft
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In case you're wondering why China's expanding its navy at such scale, here's the answer—straight of the recent translation of their 2020 Science of Military Strategy. Hint: it's not about taking Taiwan, facing down regional neighbors, etc.
Global interests, global naval power.
Would you like to know more?
"...a China that can maintain the security of its own SLOCs is a China that can deny those SLOCs to others. This prospect...is what truly drives the unprecedented scale of Chinese maritime expansion." lowyinstitute.org/publications/a…
While the translations are rough, this looks like their taking note of Air-Sea Battle, Distributed Lethality, etc.
And they clearly aren't cool with continued U.S. naval primacy, or even the idea of the "so-called" global commons outside of territorial seas.
Some stream-of-consciousness: the more I think about China's growing precision strike capabilities (e.g., 300 IRBMs and 600(!) MRBMs, ALBMs, etc.) and read the PLA's strategic documents, the more unsuitable I think the A2/AD concept (which is ours, not theirs) really is.
Our thinkers project a bubble thrown up by China (who then sits inside it) which we (as the active participants) then try to get through to save Taiwan or the SCS, etc. So we work to figure out how we're going to penetrate it and operate inside it.
But that's not what their thinkers have in mind - rather, imagine wrecked bases and airfields, paralyzed C2, destroyed HQs, ships sunk at the pier, ports mined shut, etc. And a PLA with the freedom of action to then carry out its plans with little opposition or interference.
A few thoughts about Michael Anton's recent @FDRLST article, in which he essentially recommends standing aside in the case that China decides to act militarily against Taiwan.
I won't address the geopolitical - or domestic political - angles to what he has to say. Reasonable people can and do disagree on these topics, and there are plenty of folks out there with opinions on all sides of the arguments about restraint, wokeism, etc.
What I DO want to address are some of the specific military- and naval-related facts he presents to underpin his arguments, as a number of them are misleading, show a lack of familiarity with key military questions that underpin his larger argument, or are factually incorrect.
Ok, here we go: a few thoughts on the 2021 China Military Power report, which was released today (finally!).
I'll focus on updates that I thought were interesting/consequential - areas that were new or differed from last year's report. defense.gov/News/Releases/…
First, a topic that many folks know is near/dear to my heart: the PLA Navy's growing force structure. In the key takeaways: an overall force of 355 ships/subs (+5 from 2020) & 145 major surface combatants (+15!). The estimated in-service date for the Type 003 is now 2024 (+1 yr).
There's an added takeaway statement, discussed elsewhere later in more detail, that the PRC is enhancing its ASW forces to protect its aircraft carriers and SSBNs.
Bottom line: the PLAN has not traditionally been very good at ASW, but they've recognized this & are working on it.
I have been waiting for months for this incredibly impressive demonstration of OSINT to come out - ever since I saw it presented at a @ChinaMaritime conference earlier this year.
The author (Mike Dahm) used AIS, commercial imagery, and other sources to weave an incredibly detailed picture of key amphibious assault exercises in 2020 and 2021 where the PLA experimented with the use of numerous civilian ships to supplement its organic sealift capacity.
Key takeaways IMO: the PLA and its reserve civilian fleet probably can't yet support a large-scale invasion of Taiwan, and the ships used so far to practice are a select cadre. But this capacity could expand rapidly after capabilities are formalized & expanded to other ships.
There's been plenty of discussion in the news recently about the dozens of merchant ships stuck waiting off of Long Beach/LA waiting to unload due to delays caused by various factors such as COVID, port capacity, container ship demand and size, etc. businessinsider.com/shipping-delay…
To gain some perspective on just how much shipping this is, I thought it might be useful to figure out how much tonnage we're talking about, as ships come in various shapes and sizes and the raw number of hulls may not mean much to folks.
So I went onto marinetraffic.com and did a quick snapshot survey, looking at all the ships near Long Beach that looked like they were either at anchor or adrift, and took note of their dimensions and tonnages. I counted 71 at that time (this AM). marinetraffic.com/en/ais/home/ce…