Right, the Ireland and Brexit thread. Why the backstop is not annexation, might be undemocratic but that could be negotiated by a mature UK Government, and is required because of history, identity and normal border procedures 1/
First things first, and most important, Northern Ireland is contested territory. The history of Irish liberation or secession from the UK, then the troubles, is complex. But simplifying, both UK and Ireland had claims, and populations supporting those claims 2/
The Good Friday peace treaty of 1998 ended a physical conflict, with realpolitik, compromise, bravery and ambiguity. Ireland renounced a claim on Northern Ireland, in return the UK allowed that the latter could join Ireland if a majority supported this 3/
The ambiguity came in terms of those living in Northern Ireland, they were allowed to feel unionist, a core part of the UK, or nationalist, linked to Ireland. Institutions were set up to underpin both communities. Power was devolved to a cross-community Government 4/
This history alone means that those living in Ireland in particular are hugely sensitive to the word ‘annexation’. They renounced a territorial claim in the interests of peace. They expect the UK Government and informed public to remember this 5/
There is no reference in the treaty to the absence of border infrastructure, but it was entirely clear in 1998 that this was part of the deal. Nationalist communities (many along the border) resented reinforced infrastructure putting barriers between north and south 6/
A Common Travel Area, Customs Union, and Single Market however meant that as between many EU countries (substitute Schengen for the UK-Ireland CTA) the border infrastructure could be removed. Then came the Brexit vote… 7/
No two countries outside of the EU have ever removed border checks between themselves. They try to streamline checks where possible, as everybody wants smooth trade, but always retain border checks. Why? 8/
Simply, for goods trade, a border post is the only place where you can guarantee to have the vehicle, the items definitely being transported, and all relevant paperwork in one place. You can and do make other checks, but the border is at the core 9/
One of the reasons for the gigantic EU legal and regulatory framework is to be able to trust that goods trade between members can take place without border checks. This means common tariffs, common rules, and legal redress (and remember nobody else has removed border checks) 10/
Norway and Switzerland have exceptionally close trading relationships with the EU, following EU rules in many areas. Yet they have border posts with the EU, where freight should pass in case checks are required. This shows the difficulty of removing such checks 11/
So back to the Ireland border and Brexit, the fundamental problem is that the absence of border checks North-South is in the minds of one community a fundamental part of their identity, but such checks have always been part of EU external borders 12/
Equally any checks that are introduced on trade between Northern Ireland and Great Britain are likely to impact on unionist concerns that they are an integral part of the UK. Unionist parties allow some differences, but with caution 13/
Ireland itself has done very well out of being an EU member. Economically it is now far richer than Northern Ireland, and indeed GDP per head is far greater than the UK. There is no significant move in Ireland to leave the EU 14/
So known Brexit and Ireland options are - Ireland-EU border checks (bad for Ireland), Ireland-Northern Ireland checks (bad for nationalists), Northern Ireland-rest of UK checks (bad for Unionists), continued UK-EU alignment (bad for Brexiteers) 15/
Alternatives? Well many countries have been making border simplifications, using trusted trader schemes, or inspections away from borders. But all of these have still relied on the border as the final checking point, as well as the local business consent. 16/
Can you move all checks away from the border? Only if you’re prepared to tolerate massively increased smuggling, or put in place greater surveillance. Neither are seen to be answers to the problem, particularly the latter, which plays back to identity issues 17/
Irish officials recognised this problem ahead of the referendum, the better UK officials soon after. They knew there was no good solution to the Ireland and Brexit problem, no solution giving everyone what they wanted. This remains the case 18/
The original Northern Ireland backstop clearly saw unionists lose. That was then replaced by the all UK backstop which Brexiteers wanting total freedom from EU rules disliked, as did unionists (too much divergence) and EU (too much UK access to EU market). So a compromise. 19/
Enter the irresponsible language, that the backstop was Ireland’s fault, or EU annexation. It was easier to blame someone else rather than admit that there is a fundamental problem. And denying the fundamental problem increases suspicions among nationalist communities. 20/
We also hear about the ‘undemocratic’ backstop – if this means Northern Ireland may have to follow rules over which it has no say that is true, but could presumably be fixed by further negotiations, without junking the whole backstop 21/
Alternative arrangements were a sideshow. You can develop simplifications, but the infrastructure free border does not exist and may never do so without close regulatory alignment. They are another device to avoid talking about the fundamental problem or border and identity 22/
So what happens in no-deal? Nobody wants to particularly talk about this, but there are almost certainly confidential briefings that say peace is at severe risk. But equally open borders with divergent regulations and duties are not sustainable. 23/
In no-deal Brexit expect in short term a variety of different solutions against a very difficult / crisis political background, which will variously upset all sides at different times i.e. the UK Government will in reality treat Northern Ireland differently, trade will suffer 24/
In the slightly longer term polls suggest no-deal increases the likelihood of Norther Ireland voting to join the Republic. WWe may go from claims of annexation to the actual end of the UK. Again, all far too sensitive at the moment for major debate 25/
Ireland and the EU had no choice to assert their broad principles, to protect their border free trade, but did compromise to help with unionist sentiments. London Brexiteers continuously refused to compromise with reality. Purity before peace for them 26/
There are some serious commentators who said the EU went too far over Ireland. However beyond the criticism none put forward any possible alternatives, probably because no obvious solutions exist. And reality denial is now the official policy of the UK Government 27/
To conclude, there is no current way to reconcile Northern Ireland remaining aligned with the UK, Ireland staying fully in the EU, pure Brexit, and no border checks. This isn't annexation, but reality. Ignoring such inconveniences is what Governments of failed states do 28/ end
PS There’s so much more you could include, the bizarre path of @BorderIrish, history of the Republic, flexibility of unionists when they want NI only solutions, but I’ve stuck with what I think tells the story as well as I can.
@BorderIrish PPS Many thanks to all of those on here from whom I've learnt much about Ireland and Brexit, including @hayward_katy @DPhinnemore @BorderIrish @MatthewOToole2 @BrigidLaffan @Muinchille @timoconnorbl @kevinhorourke and more. All opinions / errors my own though!

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More from @DavidHenigUK

Feb 18
I realise this government is uniquely brilliant / evil, but this looks remarkably similar to UK government policy since the days of TTIP, since these won't be trade deals as in the rather dated tariff reduction, but more likely cooperation of various sorts.
Deals with US states are in no sense multi-billion, but I'm sure for example that animal welfare groups would be only too happy for the UK to adopt California's rules... to note though, US states are happy to talk, but rather less to do anything that meaningful internationally
Anyway, its good the UK government attempts to build up cooperation across the globe, all part of the steady trade diplomacy every developed country does. In fact it should probably be higher priority, as part of an overall trade strategy. Not just US states. And no overselling.
Read 4 tweets
Feb 16
Between real scandals and fantasy boosterism we don't have much space for normal politics, as in finding solutions to societal problems. Such as, just on today's news, housing, birth rates, inflation.

That's the real cost of electing a PM because he's fun or some such.
Social care remains the classic example. Claimed by the PM to be 'solved' on the basis of a hurried vote in Parliament on a boost to National Insurance, without any suggestion the supporting detail was actually in place. Debate reduced, issue still as large as it was.
The Johnson style in PMQs, to read out lists of achievements real or imaginary, diminishes politics weekly. You would hope that at some point Labour takes this on, but I'm unconvinced they will, in fear of 'talking Britain down'.
Read 5 tweets
Feb 15
Really good @adampayne26 piece on UK supply chains and supermarkets in particular. What I take from this is retailers choosing to reduce choice (and contribute to price rises) to try to avoid the worst disruptions arising from Brexit trade barrier. politicshome.com/thehouse/artic…
@adampayne26 UK supermarkets and supply chain professionals have an excellent reputation for efficiency, and that seems to have led to logical decisions, if short of drivers due to labour shortages, or goods harder to import, do less of it. Also proving classic trade theory right.
For the UK as a whole the impact of high trade barriers to nearby markets was always likely to be a loss of competitiveness, with knock-on consequences potentially to exports globally. Brexit is protectionist in effect if not in the minds of plenty of proponents.
Read 4 tweets
Feb 8
New paper alert! On the vexed subject of the Northern Ireland Protocol.

Quite simply it does not look like the right vehicle to resolve political disagreement between the UK and EU. We need a new approach, that builds on and takes inspiration from 1998.

ecipe.org/publications/f…
This is not going to be a comfortable message for either UK or EU, but what we have right now is in effect a zero-sum game, where either UK or EU single markets get to be protected. Northern Ireland becomes the venue as contested territory, too much for a fragile polity. 2/
The Northern Ireland Protocol is a trade agreement. But without a shared political vision, the argument over medicines or SPS checks becomes political. It also becomes about identity, given the 1998 agreement allowed an ambiguity over being British or Irish. 3/
Read 11 tweets
Feb 8
For some around the UK government, the initial point of joining the CPTPP was to use it to weaken UK food rules (particularly attractive to those being paid by US farm lobbies) as a US trade deal might be too controversial. politico.eu/article/canada…
Of course the UK government has long denied that it plans to weaken food laws. But it has also resisted a veterinary equivalence agreement with the EU which would make such weakening much more difficult. From which we can draw an obvious conclusion - this promise may be dropped.
Which is also interesting timing for another clash between House of Parliament committees and the government on the level scrutiny treaties receive. "far short of the European Parliament’s powers" as this article from @AlexanderHorne1 says prospectmagazine.co.uk/politics/treat…
Read 9 tweets
Feb 7
With @AnnaGuildea @ecipe I have a new short paper on specialisation and comparative advantage as part of our New Globalization project. We show that developed countries still produce a wide range of goods and services - but specialise in complexity.

ecipe.org/publications/c…
@AnnaGuildea @ECIPE What we are really exploring is the idea that the EU, US, UK are increasingly vulnerable due to the rise of other countries, in particular China. The evidence for this remains slim - we may not make everything, but we hold the knowledge, and can trade. ecipe.org/publications/c…
It is part of our continuing work to show global trade has actually delivered, rather than being a failure to be corrected. As we have shown with other papers such as this on the response to the pandemic. Not perfect, but better than suggested alternatives ecipe.org/publications/g…
Read 4 tweets

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