Germany's new policy paper on the Indo-Pacific region has led to speculation that Berlin may be about to change its traditionally Beijing-friendly foreign policy approach.

Not so fast. Here are the key takeaways from my @RUSI_org Commentary 1/13

rusi.org/commentary/ger…
While paying lip service to security matters, a more active German role is not aimed at strengthening the US-led security architecture in East & Southeast Asia.

In the guidelines' preface Foreign Minister Maas seeks to distance Germany from the increasing US–China rivalry 2/13
The new policy announcement also offers no critical self-reflection about Germany's failed 'change through trade' policy vis-a-vis China 3/13

rusi.org/commentary/ger…
The German guidelines exaggerate the significance of China as Germany's supposedly biggest trade partner, not only in the Indo-Pacific, but globally.

Based on german gov't (BMWI) statistics the PRC only ranks third (7.1%), after the US (8.7%) and Europe (68.5% of exports) 4/13
While the guidelines include well-known criticism of China's flagship Belt and Road Initiative it does not offer even a tentative clue as to how Germany aims to address existing power imbalances in the region 5/13
Germany's approach to China is downright craven when it comes to the issue of disinformation.

Instead of naming China as the main culprit of disinformation in the Indo-Pacific, the authors of the policy paper use the evasive term 'authoritarian actors and states' 6/13
The German government pledges support for the Mekong River Commission's Strategic Plan 2021-25, but without critical introspection about the apparent failures of a depoliticised technical assistance to China in the field of energy policy such support may prove futile 7/13
Whilst there is a declared desire to engage with civil societies in the Indo-Pacific, there does not seem any awareness that China has emerged as a non-traditional development donor which is moulding recipients in the CCP's authoritarian image 8/13
Instead of reminding China to honour UNCLOS’s ‘clear and binding ruling on China’s claims vis-à-vis the Philippines in the South China Sea’, the German government pins it hopes on a Code of Conduct between ASEAN and China 9/13
The guidelines descend into the outright farcical when it comes to Taiwan, which is not even mentioned once.

But how can Germany contribute to peace and security without taking a stand against Xi Jinping's threat to annex Taiwan? 10/13
The guidelines are a stark reminder of the lack of a grand strategy in German foreign policy making.

The document's long list of disparate activities does not add up to a coherent approach 11/13
The lack of strategic direction can primarily be explained by an absence of political leadership.

What transpires in the guidelines is a German government which still has not defined any red lines in terms of its China engagement 12/13
I would like to thank @JEyal_RUSI for inviting me to comment on Germany's new policy paper on the country's approach to the Indo-Pacific /End

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More from @AMFChina

5 Sep
An "Interim Statement on the Implications of China’s New National Security Law for UK Universities" has been published by the British Association for Chinese Studies (BACS) @bacs_china. What follows is the statement as a thread. 1/22

bacsuk.org.uk/bacs-interim-s…
"China’s new National Security Law of 1st July 2020 brings forth new considerations and challenges for employees in UK Universities as line-managers, mentors and teachers" 2/22
"BACS has signed the (US) Association for Asian Studies statement on the National Security Law, joining over twenty other scholarly societies." 3/22

asianstudies.org/statement-on-t…
Read 23 tweets
25 Aug
What does it mean to teach and research contemporary China under the conditions of the so-called Hong Kong National Security Law? 1/10
The key problem facing any scholar who deals with mainland China is Chinese Communist Party (CCP) censorship and the fear of losing access by being an outspoken critic of the regime 2/10
The CCP's so-called National Security Law effectively codifies the illiberal tenets of previous oral and written party directives such as the '7 Don't Speaks' and 'Document No 9'. It now directly endangers scholars, even those who work outside mainland China & Hong Kong 3/10
Read 10 tweets
9 Aug
Those who argue that Western China engagement led to the development of China’s civil society are only partly right. Civil society assistance has always been limited to few selected grant makers. Much more could have been done /1

chinadevelopmentbrief.cn/publications/t…
For more context see also my open access research paper on how foundations—foreign and domestic, public and private, operating and grant making—have engaged with Chinese civil society organisations in an authoritarian political context /2

bacsuk.org.uk/journal/journa…
Another open access research article of mine showed how German development aid failed to comprehensively support participatory development in the PR China. The German government did too little to support China’s civil society /3

…ossasia-journals.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/index.php/iaf/…
Read 4 tweets
28 Jun
“Double-track strategy” of “partnership” on climate change and “critical dialogue” on HK, human rights & market access etc. Such terms are frequently used by German politicians and diplomats, but in fact they obscure rather than elucidate Germany’s China policy /1
Germany's foreign trade policy towards China isn't "strategic" but transactional. German gov't seems beholden to narrow corporate interests of German car manufacturers & chemical industry. Putting so many eggs in the Chinese market also enhances the CCP's leverage over Germany /2
Or let's talk about "partnership" on climate change. An insane amount of coal power plants are currently under construction in China. Whenever the economy needs to be stimulated the Chinese party-state ignores international climate change agreements /3
wired.com/story/china-is…
Read 8 tweets
22 Jun
Despite its institutional shortcomings the European Union should not be oblivious of its considerable power. The power I am talking about is not the power of an aspiring hegemon, but of a civilian power which is mindful of its considerable leverage in global affairs 1/5 Image
When talking about the European Union's bargaining leverage vis-à-vis China, let's not forget that the European Union can make good use of three forms of leverage: negative, positive and normative leverage (David M. Anderson, 2014) 2/5

springer.com/gp/book/978331…
Negative leverage (leverage based upon the capacity to make the other side worse off), e.g. by restricting party-state backed investments in European industries which are of national security importance to the EU & its member states 3/5

uk.reuters.com/article/uk-eu-…
Read 6 tweets
12 Jun
"Playing hardball with China works – the west is right to move to a ‘constrainment’ strategy" - My new op-ed in @ConversationUK, 12 June 2020 1/32

theconversation.com/playing-hardba…
"Global attitudes towards the People’s Republic of China (PRC) are hardening. In 2019, the European Union declared the PRC a 'systemic rival' amid rising trade tensions." 2/32

politico.eu/article/eu-sla…
"In May 2020, the White House published a paper that described the US’s competitive approach to the PRC based on 'principled realism'." 3/32

whitehouse.gov/wp-content/upl…
Read 32 tweets

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