1. I’ve been reflecting a lot since the publication of @wilfredchan’s interview with me. His efforts deserve my utmost appreciation as he presents my positions faithfully and gives me an opportunity to reach new readers. Speaking with him never ceases to be stimulating.
2. On that early January morning of 2016 we met, we watched a new film, Ten Years, together in Taikoo Shing. He gave me a tour of his then-C.N.N. office in Quarry Bay. Not even half of that time — Five Years — has elapsed. Alas, Hong Kong already is beyond our recognition.
3. We agree more today than ever before. By U.S. standards, we stand on opposite sides of the debate over whether Washington’s actions regarding Hong Kong are good or bad. Yet by Hong Kong standards, and certainly among right-wing localists, we’re in essence just “leftards.”
4. As I note this, I can’t help but realize how much one political spectrum, one set of political vocabularies, one set of political binaries don’t apply universally. Nationalism in Country X might represent the far right; nationalism in Country Y might represent the far left.
5. Everything from “violence” to “neoliberalism,” by the same token, evokes conflicting images depending on where we are. Genuine understanding, not righteous indignation, requires us to view another person’s pain and experience not through our lens, but theirs.
6. A British flag amid the recolonization of Hong Kong can denote the vague yearning for a better alternative to the present. That very same British flag in postcolonial societies of the Global South can denote something else entirely: a traumatic past they’ve moved beyond.
7. Likewise, “Sinophobia” can’t describe in Xinjiang the unpopularity of a group of Han immigrants from Wuhan. “Sinophobia” can describe in Alberta the unpopularity of that very same group of Han immigrants from Wuhan. Where power relations are inverted, we must pay attention.
8. In its absence, Western academia can seem tone-deaf to the everyday struggles of peoples half a world away. While my research seeks to tell Hong Kong stories, the city isn’t a social laboratory for me. It’s first and foremost a place I call home, inhabited by those I love.
9. Reading critiques of our movement, much as I read critiques of my interview, I inevitably ask: Do they come from the “inside” — in other words, from folks who share and have a legitimate stake in the collective aspirations of its participants — or from the “outside”?
10. The distinction isn’t arbitrary. Wilfred belongs to the “inside.” He was tear-gassed far too many times to count. He bumped into desperate Hong Kongers waving MAGA signs as a symbol of freedom, and he reached out to chat — in Cantonese — without condescension.
11. He’s nothing like the Americans who, over the years, I’ve heard “explain” to me why Hong Kongers are in a “stupid battle” or have the “wrong strategy.” Some fondly recall their good old days residing in the city as expats. They’re really on the “outside,” however.
12. When I fondly recall my own good old days, I don’t have Lan Kwai Fong, nor — most of the time — the apathetic E.S.F. kids with whom I went to school, in mind. I reminisce instead about the long 263 double-decker bus rides on Tuen Mun Road to visit my late grandmother.
13. I reminisce about cycling in rural Tai Po. I reminisce about singing Alex Fong’s “Mr. A.B.C.” during Neway’s karaoke happy hour. I reminisce about the Shing Mun River sunset before my eyes as I first held a girl’s hand. I reminisce about every bowl of Tam Jai mixian.
14. And then I recall also the numerous, anonymous faces I encountered day after day in the city last summer. Through my protective goggles and theirs, I caught glimpses of indescribable courage in their eyes. Rubber bullets and sponge grenades flew above our open umbrellas.
15. We checked our phones for minute-by-minute Telegram channel updates. Our backpacks carried water, a few extra masks, and some loose change to purchase single-fare M.T.R. tickets. Somewhere, I still hear them scream “Run! Run! Run!” as the police advanced toward our direction.
16. I tried to clamber across a traffic divider to the other side of the throughway. They extended me a hand; in turn, I extended mine to the next one in line. I’ll never cross paths again with them until we all “meet under the pot” in a liberated Hong Kong. But I feel them.
17. Maybe they scratch their heads upon hearing the phrase “systematic racism.” Maybe they don’t know Arif Dirlik. Maybe they haven’t traveled to Latin America or the Bronx. Maybe they can barely name five Canadian M.P.s. They have nowhere else to go, so they stay and fight.
18. They don’t wake up every morning dwelling on American foreign policy. They do go to bed every night in fear of a police knock on the door or an urgent phone call from the hospital. Socialism versus capitalism isn’t their struggle; it’s dictatorship versus democracy.
19. When I see a 12-year-old girl beaten, an uncle pepper-sprayed, a student shot in the stomach, I weep. When a college sophomore falls to death from the third floor of a parking garage, or the body of a naked young lady is found afloat in sea, I remember their names.
20. My natural response isn’t to speculate whether they’d be globalization’s supporters or detractors. It’s to contemplate what little I can do to reverse course, to give them hope. And this is the level of empathy, I think, that distinguishes the “inside” from the “outside.”
21. Each of us in the movement has a role — whatever it is, however much we can commit — to play. If you drive a B.M.W., you rescue the kids under siege. If you can’t bear the risk of arrest, you donate. If you have artistic talent, you design protest graphics and merchandise.
22. If you run a cafe, you join the “yellow economic circle.” If you speak a foreign language, you translate texts. You can lambaste the guy nearby at any time for not doing any number of things; you can also acknowledge what he’s already doing because you’re in it side by side.
23. There are times, indeed, when I lament where the movement is headed; it’s diverse and leaderless. We can throw around new ideas, but we can’t force it into something it inherently isn’t. This is as much a reminder for myself as for all of us. I found out the hard way.
24. A few months ago, I purported to represent folks I shouldn’t. I was publicly trashed. Although I continue to believe in what I did then, the incident showed how even I can be on the “outside” when rage, not humility, gets the better of me. So I didn’t patronize; I apologized.
25. To this day, there remains much I have to learn. Wilfred respected it, which is why we sat down and talked. We still had fundamental disagreements and many other issues we must condense — into one sentence, one quick example — for the interview. But this won’t be our last.
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1. I’m encouraged by @KamalaHarris’s selection of @Tim_Walz as her running mate. While his record as an educator, a National Guard officer, and Minnesota’s governor is acclaimed, I want to reflect on how I met this amazing guy: his dedication to human rights and #China.
2. In the spring of 1989, fresh out of college, Walz volunteered to teach English in Foshan for a year. It was an idealistic time to be abroad. Cracks were beginning to appear in Eastern European communist regimes. Chinese students and workers rose up to demand political change.
3. He found himself at that critical moment in #HongKong, where major solidarity protests also broke out. Decades later — at a hearing on the Tiananmen Square massacre that eventually ended it all — he’d still recall the gravity of boarding the train to Guangzhou from Hung Hom.
1. There are two fundamentally divergent ways to interpret the triumph of Asians and Asian-Americans at the #Oscars in 2023, not in terms of racial relations in this country, on which I’m sure many people will comment, but in terms of #HongKong’s fight for democracy and autonomy.
2. On one hand, you have a vision promoted by the likes of @janetyang1. Educated at elite institutions here — Phillips Exeter Academy, followed by Brown and Columbia Universities — she climbed every step of Hollywood’s ladder by profiting from authoritarianism abroad.
3. In addition to repeatedly praising Chairman Xi Jinping, she leverages her skin color as a minority in the U.S. to dismiss genocidal policies in China, where her ethnicity — Han — empowers her. She exploits this gap across borders to play both sides against the middle.
2. Beyond my political activism — as many of you know — my Ph.D. research is on the international history of the Vietnamese boat people, with #HongKong at the center. One of the most important characters in my narrative just passed away: Walter Mondale. cnn.com/2021/04/19/pol…
3. He’s mostly remembered for championing numerous progressive ideas in the Senate and the Jimmy Carter administration, expanding the vice presidency’s powers, and picking the first female running mate ever, Geraldine Ferraro, during his own (unsuccessful) 1984 White House bid.
1. Cross-strait tensions are on the rise again lately — given the increasing Chinese and U.S. naval presence in the region — so as usual, the discussion around #Taiwan is framed in military terms. “Will there be war?” seems to be the most common question everyone asks.
2. It’s a real concern, but this tendency to see the island as no more than a geopolitical bargaining chip rather than a vibrant democracy of 23.5 million people is dangerous and insulting. That’s also why I often find it dreadful to engage with strategically-minded “realists.”
3. The entire I.R. discipline is founded on the assumption that, if you look at a map of the world, all you see are nation-states with competing “interests,” not the lived experience of actual human beings. So you make casual suggestions like, “Let’s abandon X in exchange for Y!”
1. Over the years, I’ve gotten to know personally and work with many opposition figures in #HongKong. I can say that one of the bravest, most genuine among them is @tedhuichifung. That he’s now in exile reflects the impossibility for even moderates to survive in the city.
2. His dramatic escape to Copenhagen this week was everything but assured. Thanks to helpful Danish friends — including @ThomasRohden, @Storgaaard, and @uffeelbaek — who invited him to discuss climate change and secured the necessary official documents, the court let him loose.
3. Back in 1999, Ted attended the annual Tiananmen candlelight vigil in Victoria Park and met members of the Democratic Party, which he decided to join. He rose through the ranks upon graduating from law school, winning a seat in 2011 to the Central and Western District Council.
1. Plenty of people put in plenty of effort to help these #HongKong-related laws — which you may or may not like — materialize. Since you asked, let me answer. Congress first introduced the #HKHRDA amid the Umbrella Movement, when it received zero attention from @BarackObama.
2. Never from 2014 to 2018 had it even moved out of committee in either chamber. Yes, it passed the Senate last fall when no one denied @marcorubio’s request for unanimous consent, but he took a while to defeat closed-door special interests before he could bring it to the floor.
3. @SpeakerPelosi chose another path, insisting on a roll call so whoever dared to oppose it must do so on the record. This was how the 417-1 House landslide happened. Despite these supermajorities, @realDonaldTrump was ambiguous until the last minute.