This seems to be a case of mutually self-fulfilling prophecies at work: each side claims to be defensive against a foreign threat, and that 'defence' in turn is seen by each other as threatening which justifies further 'defence' preparation which then confirms mutual fear.
Simply insisting that one's own is peaceful whereas the other is completely offensive is just disingenuous. However, 'at least in Asia' (let's be honest, mostly on China's 'doorsteps'), doesn't China have a slightly more credible case than the US when it claims to be defensive?
Unless of course China, seen as the Other and mainly an object, isn't treated as equally human and thus doesn't deserve to have its subjectivity or its own security concerns. In that case, only 'we' are entitled to have concerns. Yet doesn't this border on wishful thinking?
Threat inflation occurs especially when one pursues absolute security & preponderance of power, even on an enemy's home turf. See examples of such thinking on China's threat from prominent security scholars in the US. In this case China's very existence would be a threat. ImageImageImage
‘We will bankrupt ourselves in the vain search for absolute security’. — Dwight D. Eisenhower

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More from @ChengxinPan

15 Oct
The 'China's assertiveness' narrative in the early 2010s has been debunked by scholars such as Iain Johnston at Harvard and @bjornjerden at @ResearchUI in their excellent works. belfercenter.org/publication/ho…
academic.oup.com/cjip/article/7…
The quoted thread adds more weight to the research:
As far as I can see, the 'China's assertiveness' narrative (a gentler, easier-to-swallow version of the previous 'China threat' narrative) was designed to create fear (of China) and division in the region, fear and division which was largely absent there until roughly 2009-2010.
In 2000 China proposed a free trade area with ASEAN. Framework agreement was signed in 2002. Between 2003-2008, trade with ASEAN grew from US$59.6 billion to US$192.5 billion. One IPE expert noted at a 2007 conference that China hadn't gotten one step wrong in dealing with ASEAN.
Read 26 tweets
15 Oct
Sometimes I wonder if we've really travelled that far from the blatant anti-Chinese racism of the past in this country. As some Australian scholars pointed out, Chineseness played a central but largely negative role in the formation of Australian identity since Federation.
Helen Irving: "while there was doubt about the meaning of citizenship when Australia federated, there was one certainty amidst the doubt and that was that Australian citizens were not going to be Chinese. The Immigration
Restriction Act made this clear.
... The Chinese were thus used to identify the type of citizenship the Australian nation would not embrace…‘The Chinaman’ was the starkest example of what ‘Australian’ was not." Today of course such overt racism and discrimination against Chineseness has waned, but its never
Read 8 tweets
12 Oct
I cannot help thinking if this might be the resurgence of Chinese exclusion & expulsion that occurred in the 19th & early 20th centuries (so much for the End of History). Exclusion today is less about Chinese immigration than about political participation from Chinese immigrants.
'Chinese Exclusion 2.0' now seems to sweep across the Five-Eyes countries. By coincidence or by design, the five countries were also known for their Chinese exclusion legislations and poll tax policies. Then as now Australia was the canary in the (gold) mine and led the way.
"The Victorian Act of 1855 was the first of its kind in the Australian colonies. It imposed a poll tax of ten pounds upon every Chinese arrival and limited the number of Chinese on board each vessel to one person for every 10 tonnes of goods." peril.com.au/topics/politic…
Read 8 tweets
8 Oct
5 days after Kunming bus bombing (21/07/2008) for which Turkistan Islamic Party 'claimed' responsibility, Rice warned China that "security threats have to be dealt with... But security should not become in any way a cover to try and deal with dissent." app.ft.com/content/c361bb…
Her words struck me at the time & I thought: Wow! That just sent an interesting message both to Beijing and its opponents in Xinjiang. Back then I had a gut feeling that this wouldn't augur well for Xinjiang. Within 15 days Kashgar attacks and Kuqa sucide bombing occurred.
I was baffled by her message because that was during the height of the US-led war on terrorism, and in the wake of Bush Jr.'s stark message that "either you're with us or you're with the terrorists". It seemed clear that the US wasn't really with China re its terrorist problems.
Read 5 tweets
7 Oct
Great news folks! There's never been a better time to become a China analyst. Besides the mentoring opportunities offered by US intelligence gurus, and the plentiful amount of financial support from defence sectors, now you can gain instance fame simply by using Google.
Seriously, the Googlisation of China studies is THE best & most groundbreaking paradigm shift in the field's history, ever. Wannabe even more cutting-edge? Remember Google Maps? No Chinese language skills, no problem! Google Translate just a click away. What are you waiting for?
This field has really come a long way from the days when China watchers had to repeatedly go to two mainland informants in Hong Kong for their fieldwork studies on China. Scientific knowledge does experience accumulation and progress after all. e-elgar.com/shop/gbp/knowl…
Read 4 tweets
27 Sep
Engage in your research in good faith I did. It's by your (ASPI) own admission that your research is based on 'highly suspected', 'possible camps', 'could be', waiting-for-coroboration-type speculation and insinuation. There is nothing good faith about this type of practice ImageImage
and it's everything against the spirit of research. Also research in good faith, in this case, China's policy in Xinjiang, should be to engage with the policy and its pros and cons. Like China's one-child policy, or any Chinese policy, it should be scrutinised and criticised.
But such criticisms should be based on solid evidence and bona fide intentions to help improve its policy, or help it changed. And research in good faith should also invite or at least welcome others to scrutinise one's own research, rather than trying to silence and intimidate
Read 23 tweets

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