Thread: Now forthcoming in Public Choice: how rent-seeking explains asylum expansion in America between 1870 and 1910 (co-authored with Ray March). #econhist#econtwitter
Few people know that the asylums in American asylums expanded 10x in terms of absolute numbers and close to 4x in per capita terms between 1870 and 1910.
Most works in social history attribute this to broadly defined contemporary understandings of public interest (some of which are less savoury than others). Very few works have tried to see if there was a rent-seeking component. Ray and I argue there was one!
In fact, we argue that the rent-seeking forces complemented public interest forces in that they were necessary ingredients to secure a political coalition to expand asylums.
Who were the rent-seekers? Asylum physicians who were a) redirecting care towards them and away from private providers and local poorhouses (who catered to heterogenous pops); b) secured a privileged relationship with state governments in order to increase funding/demand
How do we test this? We argue that asylum physicians were as strong a rent-seeking force as the broad profession of medicine.
If physicians in state i were unable to obtain an entry barrier (examining board, registration law etc.), asylum physicians were unable to obtain restrictions against private providers, secure the transfer of insane from poorhouses and secure extra funding.
IOW, medical laws are a proxy for rent-seeking. We also single out examining boards as the most important laws because they truly restricted entry into the profession. We use those laws as our variable of interest in a difference-in-difference setup.
What we find confirms what qualitative sources discuss: rent-seeking did play a role especially with the crucially important "examining board" variable.
However, while the pattern is robust to numerous alternative specifications, the effect do not explain more than two-fifths of the increase in institutionalization. This is why we say that rent-seeking is a complement.
Asylum physicians were a bit like the bootleggers in the "bootleggers and baptists" theory of regulation. Both the high-minded (baptists) supporters and the narrowly self-interested supporters (bootleggers) are necessary to secure the regulation.
In our case, the bootleggers are the asylum physicians and the baptists are progressive social reformers who were genuinely concerned with the welfare of the insane.
In this, we follow in the line of the work of Peter Leeson (in this great piece in European Journal of Law and Economics -- cc. @alain_marcianolink.springer.com/article/10.100…) who argues that "public interest" can complement "rent-seeking" in explaning regulations/state interventions
This paper, by the way, is the second in a series (with Ray March) on visiting the political economy and economic history of eugenics in America (next on our list is the topic of how sterilization laws were adopted).
Given the massive drop in JOE listings on the econ JM, here is some source of hope: if you are a candidate that goes into the private sector this year and you apply to return to academia next year, I will take that as a strong signal of your commitment to research #econtwitter
Last year, I did the job market interviews for my university (@kingsatwestern) and it was painful because I had to say "no" to very decent candidates. One of the main deciding factors for us was the commitment to research and teaching abilities.
Sorting research potential is *particularly* hard and so we looked for signals regarding persistence of efforts in the future. Personally, if somebody accepted a job during the market in the private sector and then tried to return, I would see that as a strong signal.
People have heavily debated whether markets/states can/need provide public goods. Essentially, people have debated whether public goods are market failures and (if they are) how frequently do these failure happen.
The most frequently used example is that of the lighthouse which has many characteristics that make it a public good (non-excludable and non-rivalrous).
I do not do rant. But, following @TomPhilipson45's resgination from CEA, many people on #econtwitter have taken digs at the acting chair, Tyler Beck Goodspeed. Why? Because his PhD is not in economics and he has few citations. These are cheap shots!
So let me do what I do best which is to simply state some facts about Goodspeed. Obviously, you can dislike his work. You can dislike his politics. You can dislike who he decided to work for. However, his work as an academic is *off-limits* if you want to say he aint an econ
First, if that is your benchmark, get ready to cross out some big names from the field: Roth, Tullock, Kahneman, Ostrom, Herbert Simon, Nash, David Friedman.
Recently, I was thinking about Joel Mokyr's classic "Why Ireland Starved" which basically argued that overpopulation was not a thing in 19th c. Ireland. Loved that book. I decided to google some follow-ups and found this neat piece in "Land Economics" #econhist#econtwitter
The piece is elegantly simple and instructive. It does a simple econometric trick -- add a land quality index to see if overpopulation (proxied by land/pop ratio) was a thing. The author used pretty simple tools to make the adjustment. jstor.org/stable/3146668…
In the end, he found that there were signs of overpopulation.
People are making a fuss over the Cuba statements of @BernieSanders. Yes, Cuba is a dictatorship but there is good healthcare and good education. Can we sort the wheat from the chaff! The answer is "No" #econtwitter -- lets do the economics of dictatorships here
Dictators are utility-maximizers like you and I. What they maximize is the rents they extract from acquiring and holding on to power. They select the public goods to produce as a willful decision to continue rent extraction jstor.org/stable/4072669…#econtwitter
My paper with @PhilWMagness on income inequality 1917-1945 in Economic Inquiry has now been assigned an issue. In that paper, we show that (on average) the IRS data for the US overstates income inequality by a factor of 1.18. #econtwitter#econhist
We explain that weak enforcement and highly volatile tax rates reduce the economic quality of the tax data from the IRS used to measure inequality for the pre-1943 (pre-withholding). We compared with states that had strong enforcement (Delaware, Wisconsin) that had data.
We found this : lower levels of inequality throughout the period.