This piece is incredibly credulous about Trump's approach to the economy and in accepting the myth that, prior to Trump, the GOP embraced "sacred verities about government debt."…
First, the record over the last forty years makes it patently obviously that the GOP only embraces these "sacred verities" when a Democrat holds the presidency. /2
It quotes an AIE economist saying that Trump has "completely moved the Republican Party away from reducing Social Security and Medicare spending" but not Trump's own claim that he would consider cuts to Social Security and Medicare in his second term./3…
It says Trump has been a "relentless cheerleader" for manufacturing and that the "pace of hiring in the sector sped up considerably in 2018 before stalling out last year." The numbers, never cited in this piece, show his record is no better than Obama's./4…
And this misleading sentence could have come out of Trump campaign ad: "In perhaps the greatest reversal of fortune of the Trump presidency, a microscopically tiny virus upended the outsize economic legacy that Mr. Trump had planned to run on for re-election." Outsize legacy?/5
There were all kinds of weaknesses in the economy even before the pandemic. A Barron's article in July had the headline, "The Pre-Coronavirus Economy Wasn’t All That Strong." And this EPI report has more details. /6…
In describing Trump's "reputation as a savvy businessman and hard-nosed negotiator," the author might have tested this reputation against reality. As @JohnCassidy pointed out, the record shows him in fact to have been a historically bad business person./7…
And here's another deceptive sentence meant to show that he was won "over both hard-core capitalists and the working class": "There would be large tax breaks and deregulation for business owners and investors, and trade protection and aid for manufacturers, miners and farmers."/8
What's deceptive about that sentence is that other than miners, of whom there are 50,000, in the US--in comparison Whole Foods employs 91,000--none of the other groups listed represent the "working class," for whom Trump has done virtually nothing./9
There are too many examples to name, but just to take one: his Department of Labor's ruling on overtime pay was "a bitter defeat for the 2.8 million...who would’ve also gotten overtime under the original rule proposed by the Obama administration."/10…
And this is quite the understatement that fails to describe the nature of the boondoggle:" he often took credit for manufacturing jobs at companies like General Motors and Foxconn that later disappeared or never materialized."/11…
And this terrible sentence is doubly wrong: "Even voters who don’t particularly like Mr. Trump credit him with re-energizing the U.S. economy." First, HE DID NOT RE-ENERGIZE THE U.S. ECONOMY, and, second, the person quoted to back up this claim is a Trump voter!/12
And here's the shocker: Mr. Dealtrey who "considered the possibility of supporting a moderate Democrat like Mr. Biden or Senator Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota...plans to once again support the president." Knock me over with a feather./13
Lastly, for a piece that claims to consider Trump's "economic legacy," it vastly understates the degree to which, in spite of his faux populist rhetoric, he has governed as a traditional conservative Republican./14
His signature legislative achievement is a tax cut slanted heavily to the very rich and to corporations. He is still trying to take away health care from millions of struggling Americans. He has pushed deregulation of corporations. And he has appointed pro-corporate judges./15
"Despite dismal economic news," it says, "many voters still reward him for" reframing the economic conversation. But his closing pitch is that his opponents will raise taxes, impose regulation, and are "socialists." How unorthodox for a GOP candidate is any of this, really? /16

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More from @LarryGlickman

26 Oct
The irony of the 60 Minutes interviews is that Biden faced much tougher questions. They asked him, and not the guy who recently bragged about acing a dementia test, whether he was senile. They asked him, and not the guy who just got out of the hospital, about his health. /1
When Trump couldn’t name a policy priority, rather than zeroing in on his inability to do so, Stahl changed the subject to “Who is our biggest foreign adversary?” Other than COVID, she didn’t ask him to defend or explain any of his policies or about his personal tax avoidance./3
To be fair, Stahl had more questions that she didn’t get to ask because he walked out early, but there was nothing about his threats to free and fair elections, about about kids in cages, or about tax cuts for the rich, about corruption in his administration, or climate change./3
Read 9 tweets
18 Oct
One problem with this article is that it does not explore the long history of the term "white supremacy," which arose in the Jim Crow and was proudly and frequently used by white politicians and other thought leaders. /1…
The people who first embraced it were not critics but self-defined white supremacists, as in this claim by Georgia Senator A. O. Bacon in 1904. /2
At the Alabama Constitutional Convention of 1901, the attendees, who bragged "there is not a representative of the negro race among its one hundred and fifty members," framed the Civil War/Reconstruction era as a time of "negro supremacy." /3
Read 11 tweets
8 Oct
Lee's statement that "we are not a democracy" has a long genealogy on the American right, and is not that different from what others have said recently. /1
Remember that in 2016, Trump economic advisor, Stephen Moore, said, "I'm not even a big believer in democracy." /2…
As Lisa McGirr shows in the "Preface to the New Edition" of her classic study of conservatism, Suburban Warriors, such statements are not uncommon. In 2014, Tea Party Rep. Fred Yoho confessed to "radical ideas of democracy" by limiting voting rights to property owners (p. xxi) /3
Read 9 tweets
29 Sep
I love this story so much because it replicates the story I tell to begin Chapter 4 of FREE ENTERPRISE: in 1948 the 15 y.o. son of DeWitt Emery, a leading free enterpriser, has to write an essay explaining free enterprise but can't find a definition for it any reference work. /1
Emery was so upset by this that he sent his secretary to the Chicago Public Library, where, despite being assisted by three top-notch reference librarians, she was unable to find a definition of free enterprise either./2
This set off what I call in my book a "free enterprise freakout," a periodic condition of free enterprise discourse, the first of which happened in 1943, when a Gallup Poll revealed that only 3 in 10 Americans could define the term "free enterprise."/3
Read 11 tweets
27 Sep
Echoes of Louis Hartz: "We are a country founded along the contours of a philosophy...liberalism...that underlies our founding documents and our national ethos of individualism, self-reliance, liberty, equality and tolerance."…
Since Hartz wrote THE LIBERAL TRADITION IN AMERICA, scholars have challenged this view of a triumphant and monolithic liberalism, as well as the idea of "national ethos."
What about the competing traditions of civic republicanism or producerism, to name only two? What about the re-evaluation of Locke's work in the scholarship of the late Richard Ashcraft and many others?
Read 4 tweets
13 Sep
Excellent article by @KBAndersen but I think it is a misinterpretation, though a common one, to say that the Powell Memo was the "founding scripture for an economic crusade to discredit the New Deal consensus and rewrite the social contract." /1…
In my book, FREE ENTERPRISE, I wrote that "the document is less important because it was original than because it synthesized so many elements of a pervasive free enterprise discourse" that had been around since the start of the New Deal. /2
What was different was less than the text than the _context_. Although the Powell Memo didn't say much that was new, it said it at a time when the New Deal order was beginning to fall apart and an emerging conservatism was becoming more popular. /3
Read 7 tweets

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