1. A lot of reactions today to Justice Alito moving up the deadline for PA to respond to @MikeKellyPA's application for an emergency injunction to throw out PA's certification of its presidential electors.
Here's a quick #thread on why none of this matters—or is going to matter:
2. First, there's the obvious point: Even if this gambit somehow succeeds (spoiler: it won't), the worst-case scenario is that PA's electoral votes get tossed.
In that case, Biden would *still* receive 286 electoral votes when the Electoral College votes on 12/14. He needs 270.
3. Now, let's get to why the Kelly suit isn't going anywhere. First, it was dismissed by the PA Supreme Court based upon a state procedural bar ("laches"). #SCOTUS does not have jurisdiction to review state court decisions that rest on such "independent and adequate" state rules.
4. But even if we could get past that, and #SCOTUS were to decide to reach the merits at this stage (never mind that the PA Supreme Court *didn't*), it's worth stressing just how crazy Kelly's two substantive arguments are (and how little they'll resonate even with *this* Court).
5. Kelly's suit is basically a frontal assault on *all* mail-in voting in PA. But to get to #SCOTUS, he needs *federal* objections. And he has two. The second one is just silly—that the PA Supreme Court's holding that his suit came too late ("laches") violates due process.
6. Even if there was anything to this (and there isn't; due process doesn't mean you can sue whenever you want), that's not actually a basis to undo PA's certification; it's just an argument that the PA Supreme Court should have decided Kelly's constitutional claim on the merits.
7. So let's get to that claim. At its core, Kelly is challenging "Act 77"—a 2019 law enacted by the (Republican-led) PA legislature that dramatically expanded mail-in voting. Critically, the PA Supreme Court has *already* held that Act 77 is *consistent* with the PA Constitution.
8. Kelly's argument is that Act 77 violates the *U.S.* Constitution *because* it violates the *PA* constitution. But whether a state law violates the state constitution is up to the *state* supreme court, not #SCOTUS. And the PA Supreme Court has already upheld Act 77...
9. In that respect, this is the *opposite* of the (still-pending) challenge to late-arriving mail-in ballots. There, the argument is that, *because* the PA legislature didn't authorize late-arriving mail-in ballots, the PA Supreme Court violated the U.S. Constitution by doing so.
10. Even if there is merit to that argument (which a majority of #SCOTUS has never embraced), it's predicated on the idea that state courts can't override state legislatures when it comes to federal elections.
But here, Kelly is challenging what the state *legislature* did.
11. All the PA Supreme Court did was to hold that the state legislature didn't violate the state constitution in expanding mail-in voting. But the U.S. Constitution has *nothing to say* about how state courts enforce their own constitutions against state legislatures. Full stop.
12. If there is no "there" there, then why is Alito indulging Kelly by ordering PA to respond, now before the safe-harbor deadline?
My best guess is to avoid claims that he deliberately ran out the clock (including from his colleagues). That doesn't mean an injunction is coming.
13. And that's for 3 reasons:
● It's not going to matter (PA isn't the tipping-point);
● The Court doesn't have the jurisdiction to issue it; &
● The constitutional theory underlying the suit is the *opposite* of what the conservative Justices have been arguing for.
/end.
14. One correction: The PA Supreme Court has *not* resolved a facial challenge to Act 77's expansion of mail-in voting (it's rejected *other* challenges to Act 77). That doesn't change anything, because whether Act 77 violates the PA Constitution is still a question of *PA* law.
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1. Texas is trying to sue PA, GA, MI, and WI to challenge their election results *directly* in #SCOTUS.
How can it do that, how does that work, and is this going anywhere?
Here's a quick #thread on the apex of legal arcana:
The U.S. Supreme Court's "original jurisdiction."
2. One of the reasons *why* the Founders created a Supreme Court was to resolve interstate disputes (e.g., over borders, water rights, etc.).
Because lower courts might be biased, #SCOTUS was given "original" jurisdiction in such cases — allowing such suits to *start* there.
3. And today, in suits between states, #SCOTUS's original jurisdiction is *exclusive,* meaning that lower state and federal courts *lack* the power to hear disputes between two or more states:
Here is the unanimous, 21-page opinion by the Third Circuit rejecting the Trump campaign's appeal in the Pennsylvania case, written by (Trump appointee) Judge Bibas:
"Free, fair elections are the lifeblood of our democracy. Charges of unfairness are serious. But calling an election unfair does not make it so. Charges require specific allegations and then proof. We have neither here."
The Trump campaign has the right to ask #SCOTUS to review this decision, and it has the right to ask the Court for an injunction pending appeal. But as Judge Bibas's opinion makes clear, try as they might, this lawsuit has no chance of succeeding.
The Trump campaign has filed a wide-ranging lawsuit challenging the counting of votes in Wayne County (Detroit) not just in a federal district court in Michigan, but in the U.S. Court of Federal Claims in D.C. — which has *no jurisdiction* in such cases:
Here's the complaint. I'm not kidding: They literally filed the W.D. Mich. complaint in a different court that only hears monetary claims against the federal government:
To be clear, I don't think this is malicious; it seems pretty clear it's just a filing error. But it says a lot to me about where we are that we're seeing these kinds of errors.
There’s currently a Senate-confirmed Deputy Secretary of Defense — David Norquist. Under 10 U.S.C. § 132(b), *he* is supposed to become Acting Secretary in the event of a vacancy.
Unless Trump fired him, too.
To be clear, *if* the Federal Vacancies Reform Act allows the President to appoint someone else as Acting Secretary notwithstanding § 132(b), Miller is a valid choice (because of his Senate confirmation). But it's not at all obvious that the FVRA *does* override the DoD statute.
The last time this came up, Trump named as Acting Secretary Patrick Shanahan (who was already serving as the Deputy Secretary), which avoided the issue:
1. An attempt to clear up confusing public discourse about counting ballots, in five tweets.
When Trump talks about no "counting" after Election Day, he could mean one of two things:
A) No tabulating *at all* after 11/3; or
B) No counting of ballots *received* after 11/3.
2. Claim A is just insane. As I've explained in detail in another thread, *no* state finishes counting all of its ballots *on* Election Day, and every state but one waits at least a week before fully certifying their results. Federal law is clear on this:
3. And so, when Trump says that courts are siding with him about no counting after Election Day, he's just flat-out wrong.
Claim B is trickier because rules for when absentee/mail-in ballots must be *received* necessarily vary by state, as there's no uniform federal standard.