The imposition of foreign domination on West Africa did
not go unchallenged.
West Africans adopted different strategies to ensure survival.
Some West African people living outside the cash crop areas found that they could get away with very little contact with the Europeans.
Others exploited the system
for their own gain by playing on the colonial government’s ignorance of specific regions’ histories.
Still others pursued Western education and Christianity while holding strong to their identities.
West African people struggled against the breaking up of
their historical states as well as any threat to their land through petitions, litigations, uprisings.
Early Protest Movements
West Africans organized protest against colonialism in form of the assertion of the right to self-rule.
Some of the most notable movements included: (1) The Fante Confederacy (1868-72) of the Gold Coast, which recommended British withdrawal from all of her West African colonies; (2) The Egba United Board of Management (1865) of Nigeria, which aimed to introduce legal reforms
and tolls on European lines, establish postal communications in Lagos; (3) The aborigines Rights Protection Society (1897) of the Gold Coast was formed to oppose government proposals to classify unoccupied land as crown land (meaning that the land belongs to government).
In the 1920’s colonial administration succeeded in breaking alliance by supporting chiefs against the elite; (4) The National Congress of British West Africa (1920).
The Congress was formed in Accra in 1920 under the leadership of J. E. Casely-Hayford, an early nationalist,
and distinguished Gold Coast lawyer. Its aims were to press for constitution and other reforms, demand Legislative Council in each territory with half of members made up of elected Africa.
They opposed discrimination against Africans in civil service,
asked for a West African university, and asked for stricter immigration controls to exclude “undesirable” Syrians (business elite).
The African Church Movement or Ethiopianism
In the religious sphere, the Creoles played an important role in Christianizing many parts
of West Africa including, Sierra Leone, Lagos, Abeokuta, and the Niger Delta.
However, they soon met with the same kind of British racial arrogance encountered by West Africans in the colonial government.
The British replaced Creole archbishops and superintendents with Europeans. A European succeeded Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther, and no African was consecrated to this high office again for next sixty years.
The West African response to this was to break away from
European churches and form new, independent West African churches.
These churches included: the African Baptists, United Native African Church, African Church, United African Methodists—all in Nigeria, the United Native Church in Cameroon;
and the William Harry Church in Ivory Coast. By 1920, there were no less than 14 churches under exclusive African control. In Fernando Po, Reverend James Johnson was leading figure of the African church movement until his death in 1917.
The Independence movement among churches demanded that control be vested in West African lay or clerical leaders. Many churches incorporated aspects of West African ideas of worship into their liturgies, showing more tolerance for West African social institutions like polygamy.
The Prophetic Church Movement also emerged during this time, propelling the establishment of at least three prominent churches in West Africa which related Christianity to current West African beliefs.
These prophets offered prayers for the problems that plagued people
in villages, problems which traditional diviners had previously offered assistance in form of sacrifices to various gods.
The Prophet Garrick Braide movement Began in 1912, ending with imprisonment in 1916. The Prophet William Wade Harris movement began in 1912,
reached its height in 1914-15, spreading his gospel in the Ivory Coast, Liberia, and Gold Coast.
The Aladura (people of prayer) Movement in Western Nigeria, began during the influenza epidemic (1918-19), achieving its greatest impact during Great Revival of 1930.
The African Church and prophetic movement was represented a nationalist reaction against white domination in religious sphere, whim encouraged Africans to adopt African names at baptism, adapt songs to traditional flavors, and translate the bible
and prayer books into West African languages.
Despite the rapid spread of Christianity in West Africa, Islam was spreading even more rapidly. West Africans embraced Islam as a form of protest against colonialism
because it offered a wider world view devoid of the indignity of assimilation to the colonial master’s culture.
The Ethiopian Crisis, 1935
West Africans were jolted towards radicalism by Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in 1935.
Ethiopia held a special significance for colonized Africans. It was an ancient Christian kingdom, an island of freedom in a colonized continent.
Ethiopia was taken as symbol for African and African Christians. Nkrumah who was in London at time later recalled,
“at that time it was almost as if the whole of London had suddenly declared war on me personally.”
While the various missionary societies proselytizing in West Africa, introduced schools of European learning in their
West African dominions, as noted above, these for the most part, were far and few between.
After the introduction of indirect rule, for instance, the British discouraged West Africans from acquiring higher education by denying them employment in the colonial administrations.
They instead subsidized Christian missions to produce more clerks and interpreters.
The French government on their part, limited the number of schools in their West African territories. Indeed, Senegal was the only colony that had secondary schools; and of these schools,
the William Ponty school in Dakar was the oldest and most popular.
The direction of colonial policy was determined by the overseas ministry, aided by the advisory overseas council
and two subsidiary agencies.
The governor-general appointed the chief official resident for the colony. The chief official of the resident for the colony had far reaching executive and legislative power. He headed the colonial bureaucracy, directed the native authority system,
and was responsible for the colonies’ finances.
The Circumscricoes and Chefes de posto roughly corresponded to the British provincial and district officers. They collected taxes, were judges and finance officers.
Thus, in the 1920s, the policy was changed to the policy of association, which was advocated as the most appropriate for French Africa.
On paper, association reorganized the society supposedly to achieve maximum benefit for both the French and the West African.
In practice however, scholars have argued that this policy was like the association of a horse and its rider,
since the French would at all times dictate the direction that the development should take and determine what would be of mutual benefit to themselves and West Africans.
The colonial belief in the superiority of French civilization was reflected in the judicial system,
Indirect Rule saw to the mapping out of relatively large areas which were subject to single authority:
Smaller ethnic groups were included in the jurisdiction of their larger, more highly organized neighbors.
And district heads, especially in Igbo and Ibibiolands, Nigeria, were appointed to defined areas without much consideration
to their relationship with the populations under their authority.
Indirect Rule sustained tyrannical and corrupt governments and promoted divisions in populations:
In Northern Nigeria, the system strengthened the emirates, therefore increasing the possibility of revolution
Haiti holds many records: the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere and the first nation of former slaves, for example.
Another is the highest per-capita rate of NGOs than any other nation.
Haiti is desperately poor and has horrible health statistics, so in some ways it makes sense that many non-Haitians, especially Americans given its proximity, work in NGOs in the country.
The benefits and harms of the large numbers of foreign NGOs within the country are examined in scholarly literature (see Schuller 2007, for example).
One of the major drawbacks to the work of NGOs within the country is the vast majority of them work outside of the government,