On Teso political history. In my mind, Ugandan scholarship has much work to do in including Tesoland. As many of us will know, The word -teso derived from the older gloss ates, or child, a word that was used to identify the younger, migrating communities from the 1/11
'old men’ who stayed behind, or the Karamojong, derived from aikar ‘to stay behind’ and imojong ‘the old men’. Changing vocabularies and oral histories suggest that a critique of central authority accompanied Teso’s aspiring ‘youth’. 2/11
Colonial Tesoland became one of Uganda's wealthiest regions. In fact, according to one report, it was the highest cigarette-consuming region in eastern Africa, which speaks to expanding capital markets in the region. 3/11
It is tragic that much of the power & sophistication of Teso society was ignored in colonial history writing, mostly b/c scholars were obsessed w/ kingdoms. In the postcolonial period, scholars have also tended to ignore Tesoland, focusing on northern Uganda instead. 4/11
But it is impossible to understand the history of Uganda without taking Teso politics seriously. 5/11
In the precolonial period, it was an important site of regional migration throughout eastern Africa, seen in the majestic artwork of the Nyero rock paintings, which were produced between 1000 and 3000 years ago. 6/11
In the early colonial period, Semei Kakungulu struggled to navigate Ateso and local politics. In these three pictures, we see the site of one of Kakungulu's first forts in the area, a picture of early colonial converts near Ngora, and one of the region's early church cards. 7/11
During the 1940s/1950s, Tesoland was one of the country's most important areas for the development of trade unions and ideas about distributive capital, best articulated by the statesman Cuthburt Obwangor, seen here at Uganda's constitutional conference. 8/11
Due to Tesoland's prominence in national politics, it was not a coincidence that Uganda's national flag was raised by Kanuti Akorimo, who is interviewed here: 9/11
In the postcolony, following the formation of FOBA, the Ugandan government worked extensively to undermine regional wealth and power in Tesoland, culminating in the horrors of the Mukura massacre in 1989. 10/11
Today, women's movements and Teso leaders continue to expand regional opportunities and to restore older cultural registers of power, including Ajosi, which had declined during the time of insurgency. 11/11
^^correction: 8/11 Cuthbert (not Cuthburt).
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Throughout the 1890s & early 1900s, CMS missionaries busied themselves w/ producing images & photographs for British and African consumers. Here, we have one of the earliest representations of Nabakyala Muganzirwazza, & what were likely women in the court preparing for baptism.
.@sdkafeero It’s a great! The numbers are in Rupees. Uganda adopts the East African Shilling at the end of WWI. So what could you buy with a rupee around this time? In Norther Province, bride wealth had reached 75R. Government workers received 15R per month, 1/5
and church workers, 13R per year! Teachers earned around 30R per month, and traders, around 250R per month. Basekabaka be Buganda sold for 5R a copy, about the same about that Joseph Kivu paid to visit a local doctor. 2/5
Membership in the Uganda Golf Club was 60R, with an additional 5R monthly charge and entrance fee of 45R. 3/5
Did Kabaka Muteesa II have a weapons cache in the palace in 1966? This question continues to be hotly disputed by historians and partisans. New evidence complicates this topic even further. 1/
In June 2012, responding to Peter Mulira, one writer in @DailyMonitor argued, “It had been reported that the Kabaka had amassed arms in the palace in readiness for war, and the troops were to search the palace.” bit.ly/3aMyKB9 2/
Following the 1966 crisis, both Obote & Muteesa were obliged to address the “weapons question” before international audiences. In a Telegraph article in July 1966, Kabaka Muteesa II noted: “I emphatically deny that we were piling up arms in the palace to make the ‘ultimatum’ 3/
Daudi Chwa (1896–1939) was, I believe, Kabaka Mwanga’s youngest son (pictured here at 7). In the early 1900s, he was placed under the well-studied regency of the Katikkiro, Omulamuzi, and Omuwanika. But Chwa himself has remained largely understudied. 1/6
As he matured throughout the 1920s and 1930s, he challenged—in growing measure— numerous colonial policies and forced the resignation of A. Kaggwa. By the time of his death, he had also authored no fewer than 6 pamphlets. 2/6
The most circulated was “Obuyigirize, Obulabufu, N’Okwezaya mu Buganda,” which was a damning critique of expanding British authority. As he argued: “What is at present popularly termed as education and civilization of a Muganda may 3/6
.@bwesigye This is such a fascinating, complicated question. As we both know, Nsibirwa had an involved career. He first worked in the court of A. Kaggwa, before serving as a clerk in the Lukiiko. He was later appointed Mugerere and Mukwenda. 1/5
He was eventually appointed omuwanika and, shortly thereafter, in 1929, katikkiro. Throughout the 1930s, he navigated one controversy after another. As you have indicated, the political climate was fever pitch when 2/5
numerous elite Protestants, including Mukasa and Nsibirwa, backed the Namasole's remarriage to Simon Peter Kigozi in 1941. And there were all sorts of land disputes, with Mukasa and Nsibirwa deeply enmeshed. 3/5
Martin Luther Nsibirwa was the prime minister of Buganda between 1929–41 and, again, in 1945, when he was assassinated outside of St. Paul's Cathedral Namirembe. His murder sent shockwaves throughout the colonial government, [1/6]
who had long praised the sociability that governed high Ganda politics. It would remain one of the most consequential assassinations in colonial eastern Africa. The murder set in motion dozens of trials, appeals, and deportations, the documents [2/6]
of which were classified and then relocated to Hanslope Park, where they have remained since. Many of the Nsibirwa documents in the Migrated Archives have been declassified, although there was one important file that the British government had yet to release. Earlier [3/6]