A common misconception is that ILO Standards only apply to people in a employment relationship since this was the common lynchpin for labour rights during the 20th century in most industrialized countries, and the ILO is mistakenly assumed to follow suit
Instead, if we look at the travaux préparatoires of the Standards we often find that constituents frequently intended them to cover workers beyond the standard employment relationship. This is often confirmed by the works of the ILO Supervisory Bodies. A prominent example are 👇🏼
The Fundamental Conventions, which have been consistently applied to workers without distinction and regardless of employment status, as confirmed by the travaux and the Supervisory Bodies. But this is also relevant for other Conventions 👇🏼
Even if a Standard refers to the “employment relationship”, I argue, its scope could be broader and concern also the self-employed. Looking at the mere wording of a Standard is insufficient. Because or the tripartite nature of the drafting it is essential to refer to...
... refer to both the travaux and the opinions of the Supervisory Bodies to ascertain the scope or ILO Standards lest to accept arbitrary or nonsensical interpretation of instruments. For instance... 👇🏼
The Domestic Workers Convention C189 refers to the “employment relationship”. But limiting its scope to formal employees as defined by national laws would cut out the most vulnerable and precarious domestic workers from the scope of the Convention, severely undercutting its scope
But if we look at the travaux and the Supevisory Bodies’ practice it is clear that the constituents only wanted to exclude those working on a sporadic and occasional basis, and not to discriminate on the basis of employment status so that informal workers and the self-employed...
... fall within the scope of the Convention. The article argues that the wording of ILO Standards is idiosyncratic and must be determined on a case by case basis lest to exclude from their scope those who most need protection in our world, including informal & platform workers
BREAKING FROM ITALY ON PLATFORM WORK. The office of the public prosecutor in Milan together with specialized law enforcement issued sanctions towards the biggest delivery platform amounting to up to 733 MILLION EURO (not a typo!), according to @repubblicagoogle.com/amp/s/milano.r…
These sanctions are linked, according to them, to alleged violations of health and safety regulations. The investigation was prompted by occupational accidents some riders suffered in the past months
The prosecutor ordered these platforms to hire up to 60,000 riders as employees. According to the investigation, the platforms allegedly engage in illegal gangmastering enabled by artificial intelligence and algorithmic management.
++ BREAKING on platform work in Italy ++ A court in Bologna found that Deliveroo’s algorithm penalized workers that booked shifts and then did not logged into the platform within the chosen zone before the start of the shift THREAD 👇🏼
This, according to the court penalized workers who had previously booked a shift and then could not start working because they were sick or refuse to do so to participate to a strike during the day of the shift
In turn, this amounts to an unlawful discrimination and an illicit restriction to the constitutionally-protected right to strike. The court confirms then that all workers, regardless of their employment status, are constitutionally entitled to the right to strike & its protection
La principale Corte spagnola ha confermato che i rider di Glovo sono lavoratori subordinati perché la loro autonomia non esiste. Si aggiunge a molte altre pronunce in Spagna e in altri paesi che hanno dichiarato i lavoratori su piattaforma subordinati THREAD 👇🏼
Le motivazioni della sentenza non sono ancora disponibili ma le corti inferiori avevano stabilito che il controllo che le piattaforme esercitano tramite il GPS e i rating dei clienti (cioè le valutazioni che i clienti danno di ogni prestazione) è incompatibile con l’autonomia 👇🏼
Le corti inferiori sostengono che la cosiddetta “flessibilità oraria” cioè la presunta possibilità per i fattorini di connettersi quando si vuole è assente in concreto - i lavoratori sono spesso organizzati in turni - e comunque insufficiente a escludere subordinazione 👇🏼
BREAKING: the Italian Ministry of Labour has already ruled that the collective agreement food-delivery platform work cannot be considered signed by the most representative organizations. As such it cannot derogate from the law wired.it/economia/lavor…
The Ministry says: the signatories of the agreement do not meet the tests to be the most representative social partners at the national level, as required by the law. It also notes: the minimum legal requirements to set an hourly remuneration not based on piece-rate are not met
Finally, the Ministry takes exception with the CBA establishing that the riders are freelancers. This is not up to the social partners to decide as the legal classification of work arrangements belongs to the courts
Important thread about the national collective agreement signed between food delivery platforms in Italy with a minority union with scarce representativeness to deprive workers of statutory protection. More to follow also later
A few explicatory comments. Italy does not have a legal measurement for representativeness. Any collective agreement is valid if it is not signed by a sham union. Nonetheless the law can give special effects to those agreements signed by the most representative social partners
Together with many researchers I deeply admire, I have signed a letter written by @veenadubal and others to express concerns about corporate-sponsored research on the gig economy. THREAD 👇🏼
This kind of research is often based on non-replicable or non-transparent data. It is sometimes based on deeply flawed or biased data collection and it is used to push regulators in the direction platforms want, depriving workers of essential labor rights👇🏼medium.com/@gigeconomyres…
Various platforms have contacted me in the past offering to cooperate on research about the gig-economy. I have never accepted such cooperation because it was evident they wanted to control the narrative of the research output. Saying ‘no’ in this case is possible and a duty