Working in a research-focused
institution, one becomes keenly aware of the importance of innovation as a driver of technology and productivity, which in turn is a source of growth and development. (1/n)
Indeed, economists widely acknowledge that sustained, long-run growth is only possible with technological improvements. This is the case with old-school (Solow-style) growth models, as well as newer (Romer-type) “endogenous” growth models. (2/n)
But by the same token, economists know remarkably little about what gives rise to innovation. Ideas, of course, but the field is largely silent about the generation of new ideas (other than assuming that they may arrive via some random process). (3/n)
Interestingly, the field of business has a little more to say about types of innovations that matter. Depending on the technology and the market (existing vs new), we can classify innovation into different modes (like all biz school models, it’s a 2x2 matrix). (4/n)
Every innovator’s dream is to hatch ideas that both new markets and technologies (“radical” innovation). But a lot of innovation may be more “incremental” in nature, while many recent innovations fall more into the “disruptive” category. (5/n)
Regardless of what type of innovation one begets, they generally derive from the dedication of resources, both in time as well as money. The latter is measured by a country’s national expenditure in research and development (R&D). (6/n)
Alas, as a nation, Singapore underinvests in R&D; we spend about 2 percent of GDP. This is lower than the global average (2.3), and significantly behind leading innovation nations like Denmark (3), Israel (5), Japan (3.2), Korea (4.8), and Sweden (3.3). (7/n)
Part of the problem is underinvestment by our private sector. Our public R&D, at 0.7 percent, does lag that of, say, Sweden/Denmark (around 1), but not as significantly. So the trick is to figure out how to catalyze business R&D. (8/n)
In my cut for the MTI yesterday, the #workersparty called on the government to target higher R&D expenditures in GDP (I think a 50 percent increase brings us closer to a tech-frontier nation like Japan), deriving—and this is key—from both public and private sources. (9/n)
In his response to my cut on R&D for the MTI, Minister Chan expressed his belief that public R&D spending should “crowd in” the private sector, rather than simply rely on more government financing. (10/n)
His belief is that government can best do so by focusing on upstream R&D (the “research” element), leaving firms to deal with the downstream bits (the “development” piece). I find little here to disagree with. (11/n)
But in my view, the government can also do more by expanding the scope where funding is considered (beyond ICT and biopharma), being more flexible with qualification criteria for grantees, and foster an innovative mindset in our SMEs. (12/n)
We can also foster a research ecosystem that goes beyond tech/biotech excellence. A big part of that is to encourage a culture of active inquiry, debate, and openness to alternative views. That extends, of course, to political/policy space. #makingyourvotecount (n/n)
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This pandemic recession has been brutal for many Singaporeans, especially those that have been displaced from long-held jobs. But such displacements predated #COVID-19; technological advances and trade globalization mean this trend is set to continue. (1/n)
This means that what is needed is an end-to-end jobs safety net. At the back end, the Professional Conversion Program and SkillsFuture help workers reskill, while cofinancing via the Jobs Growth Incentive makes it more palatable for employers to take on retrained rookies. (2/n)
But there is more limited support at the front end. Immediately after losing their jobs, there usually isn’t any immediate relief for retrenched workers. While such insurance payouts aren’t huge, they are often very welcome help at a difficult time. (3/n)
I first experienced financial markets as a young boy, going to the stockbroking firm my mother worked at in the evenings and on Saturday morning (Mom often worked late, and we didn’t have a helper until my sister was born, so this was early-80s-style childcare). (1/n)
My first few temporary jobs were also in the back offices of different financial firms. That’s what got me interested in international finance to begin with, a field I would write several theses about and go on to get a PhD. It is my (intelectual) first love. (2/n)
Although I now ply my trade at a university, most of my career has actually been outside of academia; in a think tank, an international financial institution, and a sovereign wealth fund. Each offered a different perspective on financial markets, which I value deeply. (3/n)
A free rider, as defined in economics, is an individual (or group) that reaps the benefits of the actions of others, without paying the cost (or underpaying for it). It is a form of market failure, and characterizes nonexcludable goods (those whose use cannot be restricted).
In his opening address to the 14th Parliament, PM Lee spoke of a number of issues. Many points he made were thoughtful, and drew on his deep experience in government, and as Prime Minister. I appreciated his insight and candor.
PM Lee also suggested (and I paraphrase) that the argument that voting for the opposition because others will still return the PAP to power is what the economist will associate with being a free rider.
I spent the largest part of my professional career thus far at the @WorldBank. During that time, I was involved in formulating policy for a wide variety of nations, both democratic, and less so. So FWIW, here are some thoughts on the policymaking process in a democratic society.
For good or ill, decisions made by the majority (or representatives of that majority) apply to all citizens in the country. One may individually disagree. If so, the time to debate a policy’s merits is prior to enactment. But once policy becomes law, all are compelled to follow.
It would thus be profoundly undemocratic (and discriminatory) to apply a given policy selectively to a segment of the population, unless of course the segment were the explicit target of the policy (think maternity leave for mothers only, or min wages for the low-income only).
There has been some pushback against the claim, from our #workersparty manifesto, that min wages is sound policy. Let me begin by emphasizing a position I've held from the start: min wages is not unabashedly good policy. But it is a good start that is also evidence-based.
In social sciences, there is seldom unambiguous evidence. Studies can yield different results, which is why continued research is important & policies should be based on the overall literature. That's why I mentioned that many papers since Card-Krueger corroborate its findings.
The best way to aggregate and evalute the totality of results is to rely on meta-analyses, which are studies of studies. Meta-analyses take the existing results out there, and ask if there are systematic conclusions we can draw from the literature. So let's look at these.
One of the issues I have repeatedly raised in my campaign speeches this #GE2020SG has been the problem of stagnant productivity. I see poor productivity growth as the most critical economic challenge that the country will confront in the decades ahead. Why is this so important?
Because in the long run, the only way to ensure sustainable growth in our output and incomes per capita is through improvements in productivity. But because it is a technical subject, people tend to shy away from discussions about the matter. I think that this is a mistake.
It's useful to start with some definitions. The simplest definition of productivity is output per worker. So if I can make two hammers in an hour, and my colleague only makes one, I am twice as productive my coworker. All else equal, I should be paid twice as much in wages.