1/n Between 2016-2020, white liberals became slightly but significantly less likely to say that political violence is 'not at all' justified, while white conservatives became significantly more likely to give this response.
2/n By party, we see a small drop among Dems and a slightly larger increase among Reps
3/n Virtually all of the decrease among Dems is attributable to White Dems
This one suggests that greater trust in news media --> greater overestimation of the percent of people killed by police in 2019 who were black + greater likelihood of thinking that police...
2/n ...are more violent today than they used to be
3/n Partisanship/ideology is an obvious confound here (i.e. dems/liberals more likely to trust the media AND overestimate).
1/n A sizeable body of literature in the political sciences contends that female political candidates are disadvantaged by voter sexism. But, as @LJZigerell and I argue in a recent paper (linked in the final tweet), the measure of sexism on which this conclusion often rests..
2/n ...also shows that male candidates are penalized by a pro-women or anti-male bias. To explain, here is a version of the 'modern sexism' scale that is often featured in this line of research.
3/n The very title of the scale seems to imply (and is often interpreted as such) that it runs from 'non-sexist' at the low end to 'sexist' at the high end. But, as LJ and I point out, the scale actually appears to range from 'anti-male' to 'anti-female'.
1/n A recent nationally representative survey commissioned by Skeptic Mag asked respondents to estimate the number of unarmed blacks killed by police in 2019. Overall, 44% of liberals guessed 1,000 or more as compared to 20% of conservatives (this calculation is based on the..
...cross-tabs shared with me by the researcher)
3/n According to the Mapping Police Violence database, the actual figure is 27.
2/n In 1996, just under 9% of white liberals supported decreased spending on border security. This figure jumped to ~29% in 2008. It now sits at ~54%.
3/n Meanwhile, conservatives have hardly moved an inch (and this is generally the case in other measures of immigration policy attitudes I've looked at)
1/n Recent paper presents evidence that research that reflects negatively on same-sex parenting is less likely to be cited. Would love to see more studies like this, particularly of the racial bias literature... europeansocietyofmedicine.org/index.php/imr/…
2/n We already have some evidence that studies finding no anti-black bias are less likely to be published journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.117…. And I suspect those demonstrating bias are also less likely to be cited than those that do.
3/n And this is just one reason why we should be skeptical of the 'consensus' @roderickgraham that likes to proclaim on questions of group differences
1/n Spending Christmas working on my dissertation (because apart from eating Chinese, what else is a Jew supposed to do?). Here's a graph I'm including in the current chapter.
2/n Note that almost all of the change comes not from rating blacks more favorably/unfavorably, but from rating whites more favorably (conservatives)/unfavorably (liberals).
3/n Here's another plot for reverse-coded 'racial resentment' (which I'd argue is more of a measure of perceptions of discrimination and racial sympathy. In other data, it is much more strongly correlated with both white shame and guilt than feelings towards blacks).