Thread,
In December last year, the BBC released rare footage of a 1953 interview it conducted with B.R. Ambedkar. The interviewer began with a simple yet profound question: “Dr Ambedkar do you think democracy is going to work in India?”
Ambedkar, without skipping a beat, replied “No.”
Later on in the interview, he elaborated ‘‘Democracy will not work for the simple reason, we have got a social structure which is totally incompatible with parliamentary democracy'
During the Constitution-making process, Ambedkar,
on various occasions, warned members of the Constituent Assembly that “democracy in India is only a top-dressing on an Indian soil, which is essentially undemocratic” But at the same time he was optimistic about constitutional democracy working in India.
However, by 1953, he had
lost hope. What explains this?
Ambedkar’s disenchantment was caused by his experience with the Hindu Code Bill. The Bill, among other things, aimed to give more rights to women and undermined the role of caste in the sphere of personal laws. For Ambedkar, the principles of the
Constitution could only be operationalised through programmatic steps that included social legislation — the Hindu Code Bill was one such attempt.
The Hindu Code Bill, which Ambedkar piloted along with Jawaharlal Nehru in the cockpit, was introduced in the Constituent Assembly
in 1948, it found support, especially from women members. However, the Bill triggered intense controversy and attempts were made to stall its passage. Opponents of the Bill argued that the Hindu religion was being attacked: Ramanarayan Singh, a noted freedom fighter and
politician, felt that Ambedkar “now wants the Vedas [as] an offence, and this Bill should, in no case, be passed”. Conservative leaders of the Congress were also not pleased: Notable among them was Rajendra Prasad, who, in a letter, made it clear to Nehru that the progressive
ideas of a few should not be imposed on the Hindu community.
There was resistance on the streets. Many right-wing organisations, including the RSS, came together and organised protests, public meetings, marches and burnt effigies of Ambedkar and Nehru. They believed that the Bill
posed a danger to the Hindu religion and was an “atom bomb on Hindu society”.
Ambedkar was often singled out and in bad taste: The highly influential Kalyan a Hindu religious periodical in an article said of him “Himself of hinvarna (Dalit) who has married a Brahmin in old age
and introduced the code Bill” (Akshaya Mukul in Gita Press and the making of Hindu India).
In 1951, after the Consitution came into effect, the Constituent Assembly transformed into a provisional parliament. The Hindu Code Bill was again taken up for debate and opponents were
determined to bury it: More than 100 amendments were moved. Ambedkar was getting increasingly frustrated, impatient and aggressive in the debates,
“Whatever else Hindu society may adopt, it will never give up its social structure for the enslavement of the Shudra and the
enslavement of women. It is for this reason that law must now come to their rescue in order that society may move on.”
Critics of the Bill complained, “We do not want these abuses and invective”; “Why vilify the Hindu religion?”
The Assembly was headed towards an impasse.
The Assembly was headed towards an impasse.
Nehru was initially determined to ensure the passage of the Bill but, in the face of immense political opposition, especially from members of his own party, he buckled. The Bill was dropped. Ambedkar, who was law minister at the time,
quit the Cabinet and the government.
In his resignation letter, he was scathing,
“The Hindu Code was the greatest social reform measure ever undertaken by the legislature in this country.. To leave inequality between class and class, between sex and sex,
which is the soul of Hindu society, untouched and to go on passing legislation relating to economic problems is to make a farce of our Constitution and to build a palace on a dung heap.”
Nehru, after arduous political jostling, piece by piece, eventually got the Bill passed in
1956. Ambedkar, however, was still reeling from his personal experience with the Bill; the episode had left him deeply pessimistic. Politics in India, he believed, would always be drenched with majoritarian and dominant. class interests stalling social reform and the realisation
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Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar's massage to OBC's.
Dr. Ambedkar said, "This principle will apply not only to Marathas but all Backward Castes. If they do not wish to be under the thumb of others they should concentrate on two things, one is politics and the other is education.”
“One thing I like to impress on you is that the community can live in peace only when it has enough moral but indirect pressure over the rulers. Even if a community is numerically weak, it can keep its pressure over the rulers and create its dominance as is seen by the example of
the status of present day Brahmins in India. It is essential that such a pressure is maintained, as, without it, the aims and policies of the state can not have proper direction, on which depends the development and progress of the state.”
“At the same time, it must not be
Thread,
Creator of Damodar Valley, Hirakund, The Sone River Valley project, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar who started and Plan outlined, on the lines of the Tennessee Valley project, the Damodar Valley project. Not only Damodar Valley Project but also Hirakud project, The Sone
River valley project were outlined by him. In 1945, under the chairmanship of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, then Member of Labor, it was decided to invest in the potential benefits of controlling the Mahanadi for multi purpose use. But almost were hiding and wrongly been attributed
entirely to Nehru’s vision for industrialization through multi purpose river valley projects. It was Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar who in fact, as the then Member for Labor in the Viceroy’s Council, played the most central role in introducing large dam technologies into India . If you
या डोळ्यांनी रसिकांना जिंकल होत, चक्र चित्रपटातील भूमिका आज आहे काळजात घर करून शाबूत आहे, वडिलांनी लावलेला सिनेमा चेहरा आजवर स्मरणात आहे, 'जांभुळ पिकल्या झाडाखाली' गाण्यातला तो सावळा चेहरा आजगत स्मरणात आहे, आपल्याला जसं ग्यात होत आपल्याला जी व्यक्ती आवडते ती व्यक्ती केव्हाचेच हे
जग सोडून गेली आहे हे समजल्यावर मला जे वाटले ते त्यानंतर तसं अनुभव कधीच नाही आला आणि आयुष्य किती छोटं आहे याची जाणीव होते, स्मिता पाटील यांच्या आज स्मृती दिवस !! ❤️
सावळ्या रंगाने बॉलिवूडला भुरळ पडली ती एकमेव अदाकारा स्मिता पाटील होत्या, त्यांच्या काही निवडक माझ्या आवडते फोटोस.
माझे सारे लहानपण माझ्या आईच्या सहवासातच गेले. वडिलांचा व आमचा फारसा संबंध येत नसे. डाॅक्टरसाहेबांना आम्ही घरी सारेजण साहेब या नावानेच ओळखतो. त्यांच्याशी फारशी सलगी करण्याचे धाडस आम्हांला कधीच झाले नाही. आम्हांला त्यांचा भारी धाक वाटतो. तो
खरोखरी का वाटावा हे आम्हांला काही समजत नाही; पण तो वाटतो खरा! ते चेहऱ्यावरुन उग्र व गंभीर दिसत असले तरी ते अत्यंत मायाळू आहेत, याचा आम्हांला नेहमीच अनुभव येतो. एखादा जिन्नस मागितला की तो आम्हांला केव्हाही मिळतो. पण आम्हांलाच तो मागावा कसा अशी उगाच मनातल्या मनात भीती वाटते. आमची
आई नेहमी आजारी असायची. माझ्या आत्या व आमचे इतर संबंधी व नातलग यांच्याकडून मला कळले की, डाॅक्टर साहेब रायगडवर राहत असताना एकदा लोकांनी त्यांच्यावर अचानकपणे भाले, बर्च्या घेऊन जीव घेण्याच्या हेतूने हल्ला केला. डाॅक्टर त्यातून बचावले पण आईने त्याची विलक्षण दहशत घेतली.
थ्रेड,
गॉडफादर सिनेमा सुरू होतो, सिनेमाच्या सुरुवातीला अगदी पाच मिनिटातच मरलोन ब्रांडो आपल्या नजरेचा, मनाचा ठाव घेतो. काहीसा म्हातारा झालेला, निवृत्तीकडे झुकलेला तरी आपल्या साम्राज्यावर एकहाती वर्चस्व ठेवलेला. लोक भेटतायेत. कुणी गिफ्ट देतंय, कुणी गाऱ्हाणं मांडतंय, कुणी फेवर
मागतंय. आलेला प्रत्येकजण भरल्या हातानेच परत जातोय. आणि, मग तो अजरामर संवाद
I will make him an offer that he cant refuse.
अफाट आत्मविश्वास दर्शवणारं ते वाक्य. दुनिया स्वतःच्या मर्जीनं नाचवण्याची धमक, जिद्द आणि जबर महत्त्वाकांक्षा ब्रांडोच्या डोळ्यांतून त्या डायलॉग डिलीवरी वेळी
दिसतो
गॉडफादर हा गुन्हेगारीपट होता म्हणून त्याचा संदर्भ घेऊन तुलना करणं चूक आणि अप्रस्तूत आहे. पण संदर्भ आत्मविश्वास आणि दूर्दम्य इच्छाशक्ती व महत्त्वाकांक्षेचा होता. ज्याचा प्रत्यय पुन्हा एकदा गेल्या वर्षी आला.
स्वतःचा पक्ष फुटला, सहकारी नामनिराळे झाले. पवार काहीही करू शकतात ही
थ्रेड,
कहा जाता है कि पीपल या बरगद के नीचे फिर कोई दूसरा पेड़ नहीं पनपता। यह कहावत उन लोगों ने बनाई है जिनके अनुसार किसी बड़े महापुरुष के घर कोई दूसरा महापुरुष पैदा नहीं होता। औरों के बारे में तो नहीं मालूम मगर, भैयासाहेब यशवंतराव आंबेडकर के बारे में यह कहावत झूठी लगती है।
इस बात से इनकार नहीं किया जा सकता कि पुत्र यशवंतराव ही नहीं, पत्नी रमाबाई और घर-परिवार पर ध्यान देने की फुर्सत बाबा साहब के पास नहीं थी. उनके सतत सम्पर्क में रहने वाले, चाहे सोहनलाल शास्त्री हो या फिर नानक चंद रत्तु ;
के संस्मरणों से स्पष्ट है कि बाबा साहब के पास बिलकुल समय नहीं था. कई-कई बार तो रमाबाई के द्वारा भेजा गया टिफिन वैसे ही रह जाता था. खैर, हम बात भैयासाहेब यशवंतराव आंबेडकर की कर रहे थे.
भैया साहेब यशवंतराव आंबेडकर का जन्म 12 दिस 1912 को हुआ था. उस समय भैयासाहेब के पिताजी अर्थात