Thread,
In December last year, the BBC released rare footage of a 1953 interview it conducted with B.R. Ambedkar. The interviewer began with a simple yet profound question: “Dr Ambedkar do you think democracy is going to work in India?”
Ambedkar, without skipping a beat, replied “No.”
Later on in the interview, he elaborated ‘‘Democracy will not work for the simple reason, we have got a social structure which is totally incompatible with parliamentary democracy'
During the Constitution-making process, Ambedkar,
on various occasions, warned members of the Constituent Assembly that “democracy in India is only a top-dressing on an Indian soil, which is essentially undemocratic” But at the same time he was optimistic about constitutional democracy working in India.

However, by 1953, he had
lost hope. What explains this?

Ambedkar’s disenchantment was caused by his experience with the Hindu Code Bill. The Bill, among other things, aimed to give more rights to women and undermined the role of caste in the sphere of personal laws. For Ambedkar, the principles of the
Constitution could only be operationalised through programmatic steps that included social legislation — the Hindu Code Bill was one such attempt.

The Hindu Code Bill, which Ambedkar piloted along with Jawaharlal Nehru in the cockpit, was introduced in the Constituent Assembly
in 1948, it found support, especially from women members. However, the Bill triggered intense controversy and attempts were made to stall its passage. Opponents of the Bill argued that the Hindu religion was being attacked: Ramanarayan Singh, a noted freedom fighter and
politician, felt that Ambedkar “now wants the Vedas [as] an offence, and this Bill should, in no case, be passed”. Conservative leaders of the Congress were also not pleased: Notable among them was Rajendra Prasad, who, in a letter, made it clear to Nehru that the progressive
ideas of a few should not be imposed on the Hindu community.
There was resistance on the streets. Many right-wing organisations, including the RSS, came together and organised protests, public meetings, marches and burnt effigies of Ambedkar and Nehru. They believed that the Bill
posed a danger to the Hindu religion and was an “atom bomb on Hindu society”.
Ambedkar was often singled out and in bad taste: The highly influential Kalyan a Hindu religious periodical in an article said of him “Himself of hinvarna (Dalit) who has married a Brahmin in old age
and introduced the code Bill” (Akshaya Mukul in Gita Press and the making of Hindu India).
In 1951, after the Consitution came into effect, the Constituent Assembly transformed into a provisional parliament. The Hindu Code Bill was again taken up for debate and opponents were
determined to bury it: More than 100 amendments were moved. Ambedkar was getting increasingly frustrated, impatient and aggressive in the debates,
“Whatever else Hindu society may adopt, it will never give up its social structure for the enslavement of the Shudra and the
enslavement of women. It is for this reason that law must now come to their rescue in order that society may move on.”
Critics of the Bill complained, “We do not want these abuses and invective”; “Why vilify the Hindu religion?”
The Assembly was headed towards an impasse.
The Assembly was headed towards an impasse.
Nehru was initially determined to ensure the passage of the Bill but, in the face of immense political opposition, especially from members of his own party, he buckled. The Bill was dropped. Ambedkar, who was law minister at the time,
quit the Cabinet and the government.
In his resignation letter, he was scathing,
“The Hindu Code was the greatest social reform measure ever undertaken by the legislature in this country.. To leave inequality between class and class, between sex and sex,
which is the soul of Hindu society, untouched and to go on passing legislation relating to economic problems is to make a farce of our Constitution and to build a palace on a dung heap.”
Nehru, after arduous political jostling, piece by piece, eventually got the Bill passed in
1956.
Ambedkar, however, was still reeling from his personal experience with the Bill; the episode had left him deeply pessimistic. Politics in India, he believed, would always be drenched with majoritarian and dominant. class interests stalling social reform and the realisation
of constitutional values.
#ThanksDrAmbedkar

Vineeth E | @PantherTalks

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Read 4 tweets
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वडिलांबद्दल मला काय वाटते ? - थ्रेड

माझे सारे लहानपण माझ्या आईच्या सहवासातच गेले. वडिलांचा व आमचा फारसा संबंध येत नसे. डाॅक्टरसाहेबांना आम्ही घरी सारेजण साहेब या नावानेच ओळखतो. त्यांच्याशी फारशी सलगी करण्याचे धाडस आम्हांला कधीच झाले नाही. आम्हांला त्यांचा भारी धाक वाटतो. तो
खरोखरी का वाटावा हे आम्हांला काही समजत नाही; पण तो वाटतो खरा! ते चेहऱ्यावरुन उग्र व गंभीर दिसत असले तरी ते अत्यंत मायाळू आहेत, याचा आम्हांला नेहमीच अनुभव येतो. एखादा जिन्नस मागितला की तो आम्हांला केव्हाही मिळतो. पण आम्हांलाच तो मागावा कसा अशी उगाच मनातल्या मनात भीती वाटते. आमची
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थ्रेड,
गॉडफादर सिनेमा सुरू होतो, सिनेमाच्या सुरुवातीला अगदी पाच मिनिटातच मरलोन ब्रांडो आपल्या नजरेचा, मनाचा ठाव घेतो. काहीसा म्हातारा झालेला, निवृत्तीकडे झुकलेला तरी आपल्या साम्राज्यावर एकहाती वर्चस्व ठेवलेला. लोक भेटतायेत. कुणी गिफ्ट देतंय, कुणी गाऱ्हाणं मांडतंय, कुणी फेवर
मागतंय. आलेला प्रत्येकजण भरल्या हातानेच परत जातोय. आणि, मग तो अजरामर संवाद
I will make him an offer that he cant refuse.
अफाट आत्मविश्वास दर्शवणारं ते वाक्य. दुनिया स्वतःच्या मर्जीनं नाचवण्याची धमक, जिद्द आणि जबर महत्त्वाकांक्षा ब्रांडोच्या डोळ्यांतून त्या डायलॉग डिलीवरी वेळी
दिसतो
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थ्रेड,
कहा जाता है कि पीपल या बरगद के नीचे फिर कोई दूसरा पेड़ नहीं पनपता। यह कहावत उन लोगों ने बनाई है जिनके अनुसार किसी बड़े महापुरुष के घर कोई दूसरा महापुरुष पैदा नहीं होता। औरों के बारे में तो नहीं मालूम मगर, भैयासाहेब यशवंतराव आंबेडकर के बारे में यह कहावत झूठी लगती है।
इस बात से इनकार नहीं किया जा सकता कि पुत्र यशवंतराव ही नहीं, पत्नी रमाबाई और घर-परिवार पर ध्यान देने की फुर्सत बाबा साहब के पास नहीं थी. उनके सतत सम्पर्क में रहने वाले, चाहे सोहनलाल शास्त्री हो या फिर नानक चंद रत्तु ;
के संस्मरणों से स्पष्ट है कि बाबा साहब के पास बिलकुल समय नहीं था. कई-कई बार तो रमाबाई के द्वारा भेजा गया टिफिन वैसे ही रह जाता था. खैर, हम बात भैयासाहेब यशवंतराव आंबेडकर की कर रहे थे.
भैया साहेब यशवंतराव आंबेडकर का जन्म 12 दिस 1912 को हुआ था. उस समय भैयासाहेब के पिताजी अर्थात
Read 12 tweets

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