'Bodily Dirt' as a source of deadly germs: Hygiene practices in Sahibs’ Bungalows
Anxiety about Indian dirt, in general, was particularized onto individual servants as potential careers of deadly germs into the household on their bodies. [1/6]
Andrew Balfour, writing in 1921, advised that ‘wherever possible it is a wise precaution to have native servants medically examined before engaging with them’. The hands of servants were regarded with particular distaste. [2/6]
During a Cholera scare in the 1930s, Margery Hall made her ayah scrub her hands with Dettol before she started her work, while she personally disinfected the dishes before and after meals and used disinfectant liberally throughout the compound. [3/6]
Sweepers were regarded with particular suspicion, and while in the bathroom he was not supposed to touch the basins or the bath. They were allowed to enter bungalows of Sahibs and one Mrs. Taylor recalls in her diaries that ‘she never allowed them to touch anything. [4/6]
As Mary Douglas argues, these practices were not simply a response to the presence of pathogens but as attempts to maintain the order of things. More than a manifestation of worries about health, it was an attempt to impose a European system of order onto alien surroundings.[5/6]
A haughty manner was often employed which, as Dane Kennedy suggests, ‘served as a psychological substitute for the physical separation of the races, an attempt at emotional disengagement from the indigenous peoples encountered in daily life'. [6/6]
Sources:
(i) Vigarello, Concepts of Cleanliness
(ii) Balfour, ‘Personal Hygiene’
(iii) Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger
(iv) Dane Kennedy, Islands of Whites
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Most British officials demonstrated their ‘moral authority' in an arrogant manner. In Richard Burton’s words, “it was the tight pantaloons,..., the authoritative voice, the procurance manner, and broken Hindostani which impressed the Indians”. [1/6]
Those who relied on such a manner to demonstrate British superiority matched this with the firm belief that the bodily demeanor of the Indian should demonstrate his inferiority. The Indian body was thus transformed into a battleground, with chairs and shoes as the weapons. [2/6]
A calculated insult was the failure to offer a chair to an Indian gentleman waiting to visit a British official. In the colonial context, the chair was invested with emotional value. Henderson characterized the chair as ‘the visible sign of our civilization’. [3/6]
The British followed the examples of their Indian subjects where hair was concerned. In Britain, combing and powdering were preferred to washing the hair, which was regarded with anxiety and thought to induce headache and toothache. [1/5]
Fanny Parks, in her book Wanderings, asserted that the hair washing was a repeated activity in India, and in the appendix to her book a recipe for ‘shampoo’, that she thought this was something unusual in Britain. [2/5]
The recipe was a mixture of basun (a type of pulse), egg yolks, and juice of limes, and it was very similar to a recipe that was given by Colesworthy Grant, who described this means of cleaning the hair as the virtue the British had learned from the Indians. [3/5]
The examination of company officials’ bathing and cleanliness practices allows us for an exploration into how far the British adoption of Indian practice was a result of the significant and lasting impact which India had on the British who lived here. [1/8]
In Britain, a daily splash of water on the face & hands was regarded as a quite sufficient cleanliness practice, even among the middle classes. Writing in 1801, a doctor commented that ‘most men resident and ladies in London neglect washing their bodies from year to year.’ [2/8]
Even the propriety of washing the whole surface of the body was often questioned, as one Richard Reece remarked in a journal called Medical Companion that washing hands and faces daily was sufficient enough to keep one’s body healthy. [⅜]
Before 1757, two well-known centers of excellence, for learning, flourished in Bengal—Navadvip/Nabadwip and Bhatpara. And then there were a large number of lesser-known centers such as; [1/9]
There have been a number of studies exploring the nexus between colonial knowledge and imperial purpose on somewhat similar lines. Ronald Inden’s studies discuss the notion of ‘imagined knowledge’ which by no means, contains ‘mirrors’ or ‘true knowledges’ about India. [1/4]
The acts of imagining were meant to create an India that could be easily understood and controlled. This imagined India was kept ‘eternally ancient’ by inferior attributes- caste, divine kingship, irrationality, lack of scientific spirit, and so on. [2/4]
One object of the exercise was to elevate the ruler’s position by comparison. In Inden’s view, this process "entailed the wholesale de-constitution of India’s economic and political institutions." [3/4]