Here’s how often each Columbus police officer used force against people from 2001-2018. Some used force at substantially higher rates. But how often were they held accountable? A thread. (1/x)
Regardless of how much force they used, few officers were disciplined. 99% of incidents resulted in no discipline. Even for the officers with the worst records. Among officers who used the most force (40+ cases), only 1 officer was disciplined more than reprimand/counseling.(2/x)
That one officer in the group who was suspended was Adam Coy. But he wasn’t fired until last year when he killed Andre Hill, an unarmed Black man. He was charged with murder in February and facing trial. But this wasn’t a surprise given the data. Let’s take another look... (3/x)
Most officers who’ve used force 40+ times also have shootings on their records. Even multiple shootings. These officers consistently use more force, including deadly force. Adam Coy was one of the only officers in this group who hadn’t shot someone. And then, predictably, he did.
Altogether, a group consisting of only 6% of all Columbus police officers were responsible for 50% of all use of force incidents. And it’s no secret who those officers are. Yet they remain on the force and the public remains at risk. Why? Well... (5/x) theappeal.org/just-6-percent…
These officers are still on the force because of a variety of systemic factors. The system puts police in charge of investigating themselves and deciding what discipline is warranted. But there’s another less obvious reason - the Columbus police union contract... (6/x)
The Columbus police union contract allows officers who are disciplined/fired to appeal by picking an arbitrator to hear the case. Arbitrators can fully reinstate officers if they find a case where another officer wasn’t disciplined as severely for committing a similar act. So...
Of course these arbitrators find cases where other officers weren’t disciplined for similar issues - most officers are not disciplined at all. So in 74% of cases where officers appeal discipline, the arbitrator reinstates them/overturns the discipline. dispatch.com/news/20180603/…
So whatever small, barely perceptible level of accountability exists ends up getting wiped out on appeal. Even Officer Adam Coy - a rare case of an officer fired for excessive force - is reportedly considering appeal via the contract’s arbitration clause. news.wosu.org/news/2021-01-1…
The good news is the next Columbus police union contract is being negotiated. They can replace a system that empowers police/arbitrators with one empowering communities to directly hold officers accountable. They can cut police funding and remove officers with the worst records.
They should do all of that, and more. Just removing the worst officers isn’t going to be enough. The officer who killed #makhiabryant was hired in 2018, making it harder to establish patterns. Removing these officers needs to be done along with bigger, transformational changes.
First, Maryland repealed its police bill of rights law that gave special protections to officers accused of misconduct. That law put police in charge of holding themselves accountable and kept communities from having insight into the process. That’s being replaced with... (2/x)
It’s replaced with a new system that empowers community. Each county will have a community-led police accountability board that appoints members to a committee that formally charges officers with misconduct. Police chief can increase, but not reduce, the recommended discipline.
The Governor of Georgia lives in a mansion that is upkept by prison laborers. Most are Black. According to the GA Department of Corrections, “these residents are not paid any wages.” dcor.state.ga.us/Divisions/Faci…
These incarcerated workers are classified by prison system as “Maintenance Residents” who work full time maintaining the Governor’s mansion and other state government facilities. powerdms.com/public/GADOC/d…
The state of Georgia methodically tracks these incarcerated workers. Regular schedules posted by age, race, religion, weight, IQ scores, reading scores, physical/medical tests. How many attempted escapes there were. 21st century slave schedules. gdc.ga.gov/sites/all/them…
We analyzed data on 1,127 killings by police in 2020 - finding alternative responses to mental health, traffic violations and other non-violent situations could substantially reduce fatal police violence nationwide. A thread (1/x). policeviolencereport.org
Working with an incredible team of data analysts (h/t @moncketeer@MaryLagman@KirbyPhares@backspace), we compiled media reports, official statements and other info on how each incident began, what reportedly happened during the encounter and whether officers were charged.
First, 2020 was largely in line with a longstanding pattern of ~1,100 killings by police per year since at least 2013. The lockdown, economic crisis, changes in crime, etc didn’t appear to change this trend, the overall pace of fatal police violence in America.
There’s growing evidence that there has been a substantial decline (~30-40%) in police shootings/killings *in major cities* since the protests started in 2014. I’ve written about this here. But WHY the reduction in cities and why not other places? Well... fivethirtyeight.com/features/polic…
Now this is where it gets complicated. Because the places that saw the biggest reductions in police violence seem to share a set of common factors, some of which might’ve contributed and others which might not have. For example...
Arbitration is essentially the qualified immunity of officer discipline. While qualified immunity prevents families from receiving financial payouts from the city for misconduct, arbitration prevents cities from actually holding those individual officers accountable.
Because holding officers accountable has historically been the exception, not the rule, both qualified immunity and arbitration tie current practices to past precedents in a way that blocks the expansion of financial or administrative accountability for police violence in the US.
Both qualified immunity and arbitration are important practices to target for change via legislation. The focus on ending qualified immunity - which won’t actually hold those officers accountable (due to indemnification) must be expanded to include a focus on arbitration as well.
This isn’t true. There are three primary databases that track killings by police - Mapping Police Violence (ours), FatalEncounters, and the Washington Post. Between those, WaPo is the least comprehensive and the only one which doesn’t include non-shooting and off-duty killings.
What you’re referencing is the fact that the WaPo database in particular does not comprehensively track killings by police and is cited frequently in ways that underreport the scale of violence (WaPo also misses some on-duty fatal police shootings as well btw).
The WaPo data also underreports unarmed people killed by police. They don’t categorize people holding objects that aren’t weapons as unarmed and also don’t track the huge proportion of unarmed people who are killed by police tasers, restraints, etc and not shootings.