Beijing got what it wanted: the omission of Demchok pass in the Treaty, (leaving the door of Aksai Chin open), the removal of the last Indian jawans from Tibet, the surrender of Indian telegraphic lines and guest houses, but first and foremost the Indian stamp of approval on
their occupation of Tibet.
The Nehru Government through this exchange handed over all advantages accrued from the Simla Convention. India would not ask for nor get anything in return, not even the confirmation of the McMahon line.
In school, we studied Nehru’s #Panchsheel
agreement & how it brought India and China closer and the popular phrase Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai.
Reality ?
Do Read How Nehru Lost India & Tibet On This Day In 1954.
Copied from Tibet – The Lost Frontier by Claude Arpi.
The “Agreement on Trade and Intercourse between the Tibet
region of China and India” was signed on 29th April 1954 in Beijing by the Indian Ambassador N. Raghavan and Chang Han-fu, the Chinese Deputy Foreign Minister of China. It is remembered as the Panchsheel Agreement.
During a speech on the occasion of the signing, Zhou Enlai
reiterated that the questions which were “ripe for settlement have been resolved”.
The subtleties of Zhou disturbed very few in Delhi, though before the Conference some diplomats such as Sir Girja Shankar Bajpai, had strongly advised that India should force Beijing to recognize
the traditional boundary between India and Tibet as the only way to resolve all the outstanding questions between India, China and Tibet.
The same day, through an exchange of letters, India gave up her ‘extra territorial’ rights in Tibet such the military escorts in Gyantse and
Yatung; post offices, telegraph and telephone services and 12 rest houses.
During the following years, the same refrain would often be repeated: “The Government of India found the old advantages of little use and in any case the Chinese exercised full control in Tibet.”
But there is another side to the coin. For many years the so-called ‘colonial’ agreement on Tibet (i.e. the Simla Convention) had provided protection to the Land of Snows against an expansionist Eastern neighbour. It had allowed this nation to survive with complete internal
autonomy. In 1954, the same nation was not even informed about the Agreement. Indeed, the Panchsheel Agreement was no less ‘colonial’ in nature than the treaties forced by the British on smaller nations without their knowing it.
The title of the Agreement itself was a major
victory for the Chinese side. From an independent State, Tibet had become ‘Tibet’s Region of China’ in the new Agreement.

The Chinese historian Tieh-Tseng Li summed up the situation:
“Indeed, the status of Tibet was clearly defined in the ‘Peking Agreement on Measures for the
Peaceful Liberation of Tibet’;but the external aspect of the issue remained to be settled. India gave a tacit consent to the situation created by this agreement. …India accepted the principle that Tibet constitutes an integral part of China.”
What were the concessions offered
by Chang ‘to his Indian friends’?
The preamble was merely a postmortem sermon for Tibet as an independent State. During the following months, this innocuous agreement dealing with trade and travel regulations with Tibet became the new mantra of Indian diplomacy. Some politicians
believed that the amazing Five Principles would solve all the problems in the relations between developing and non-aligned nations of the world.
How many in India realized the ironical paradox of these precepts which triggered the virtual disappearance of a nation which itself
had traditionally practiced these five principles? Tibet, the non-violent nation par excellence had not only preached peaceful co-existence, mutual respect, equanimity, non-interference, but had spread these precepts as far as China, Manchuria, Mongolia and Siberia.

On May 15,
1954, Nehru presented the Agreement to the Indian Parliament and said
“The only country that had more intimate relations with Tibet was India, that is to say, British India in those days. Even then, when it was British policy to have some measure of influence over Tibet, even
then they never denied the fact of Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, although in practice it was hardly exercised and they laid stress on Tibetan autonomy.”
Once more, he reiterated that the most important feature of the Agreement was not the fate of the Tibetans, but the ‘wider
implications’. Unfortunately, for India, the loss of her natural buffer zone with China was indeed to have even ‘wider’ implications.
It did not occur to Nehru to ask the most interested party, the Tibetans, who most likely would have preferred to live with a couple of hundred
Indian jawans rather than with tens of thousands of soldiers of the ‘Liberation Army’.
In the same speech Nehru spoke about Agreement Panchsheel: “Live and let live, no one should invade the other, no one should fight the other… this is the basic principle which we have put in
our treaty.”
During the debate which followed, most of the members from the Congress and the Communist Party were enthusiastic in their endorsement of the agreement.
Acharya Kripalani strongly attacked the Nehru's policy: “It affects us all and we have to say something about it.
We feel that China, after it had gone Communist, committed an act of aggression against Tibet.”
Kripalani went on to mention that new maps printed in China showed Nepal, Sikkim, etc. as part of China and he concluded: “In International politics when a buffer state is abolished
by a powerful nation that nation is considered to have aggressive designs on its neighbours.”
Nehru summed up the debate by saying “in my opinion, we have done no better thing than this since we became independent. I have no doubt about this. I think it is right for our country,
for Asia and for the World”.

It took less than two months for India to discover that all problems had not been settled. The first Chinese incursion in the Barahoti area of Uttar Pradesh occurred in June 1954. This was the first of a series of hundreds of incursions which
culminated in the attack of October 1962.

Leaving Readers To Think What If………..


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More from @sheshapatangi1

28 Apr
ದೇವರೇ ಎದುರಿಗೆ ಬಂದಂತೆ ಭಕ್ತಿ ತುಂಬಿದ ಬಿ ಕೆ ಸುಮಿತ್ರ ಅವರ ಹುಟ್ಟು ಹಬ್ಬದ ಪ್ರಯುಕ್ತ

ಸಂಪಿಗೆ ಮರದ ಹಸಿರೆಲೆ ನಡುವೆ ಕೋಗಿಲೆ ಹಾಡಿತ್ತು
ಚಿಕ್ಕವ್ವ....ಚಿಕ್ಕವ್ವ.....ಎನ್ನುತ ತನ್ನಯ ಗೆಳೆಯರ ಕರೆದಿತ್ತು
ಅದ ಕೇಳಿ ನಾ ಮೈ ಮರೆತೆ ಸ್ವರವೊಂದು ಆಗಲೆ ಕಲಿತೆ
ಹಾಡಿದೆ ಈ ಕವಿತೆ ನಾ ಹಾಡಿದೆ ಈ ಕವಿತೆ

ದೂರದ ಗುಡಿಯಲಿ ಪೂಜೆಯ ವೇಳೆಗೆ ಘಂಟೆಯು
ಟಣ್ ಡಣ್, ಟಣ್ ಡಣ್......
ಎನ್ನುತ ಸೇವೆಗೆ ಎಲ್ಲರ ಕರೆದಿತ್ತು
ಅದಕೇಳಿ ನಾ ಮೈಮರೆತೆ ಸ್ವರವೊಂದು ಆಗಲೆ ಕಲಿತೆ
ಹಾಡಿದೆ ಈ ಕವಿತೆ ನಾ ಹಾಡಿದೆ ಈ ಕವಿತೆ

ಹರಿಯುವ ನದಿಯಾ ನೋಡುತ ನಿಂತೆ ಅಲೆಗಳು ಕುಣಿದಿತ್ತು
ಕಲ ಕಲ ಕಲ ಕಲ......
ಮಂಜುಳ ನಾದವು ಕಿವಿಗಳ ತುಂಬಿತ್ತು
ಅದಕೇಳಿ ನಾ ಮೈ ಮರೆತೆ ಸ್ವರವೊಂದು ಆಗಲೆ ಕಲಿತೆ
ಹಾಡಿದೆ ಈ
ಕವಿತೆ ನಾ ಹಾಡಿದೆ ಈ ಕವಿತೆ

ಚಿತ್ರ - ಉಪಾಸನೆ
ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ: ಆರ್ ಎನ್ ಜಯಗೋಪಾಲ್
ಸಂಗೀತ: ವಿಜಯಭಾಸ್ಕರ್
ಗಾಯನ: ಬಿ. ಕೆ. ಸುಮಿತ್ರ
Read 4 tweets
28 Apr

When I tweeted about Gandhi's Sexpedition, many MKG Lovers denied it & few went tried to castigate me.

Here I'm producing 2 letters from none other than Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel disapproving Gandhi's Sex Charades.
Do Read....

The 1st letter Patel wrote to MKG on 25/1/47

when he was at Muriam-Hirapur.

Excerpt: "Read your letter to Kishorelal Mashruwala, Mathuradas and Rajkumari Amrit Kaur. You have thrown us in wildfire of agony. I can't understand why you thought of reviving this experiment. After our last talk with you, we thought this

chapter had ended. Parashuram was a faithful servant and your contempt for him is wrong (he was Gandhi's attendant who left in disgust unable to stomach the experiments). You just don't care for our feelings. We feel utterly helpless. Devdas's feelings stand acutely
Read 9 tweets
26 Apr
ವಾಟ್ ಈಸ್ ಲೈಫ್ ಲೈಫ್ ಈಸ್ ಎ ಸಾಂಗ್
ದೆನ್ ಸಿಂಗ್ ಇಟ್ ಐ ಸೇ
ಪ್ರೇಮ ಪ್ರೀತಿ ನನ್ನುಸಿರು ನ್ಯಾಯ ನೀತಿ ನನ್ನುಸಿರು

ಅನ್ಯಾಯ ಕಂಡಾಗ ಸಿಡಿಗುಂಡು ಸಿಡಿದಂತೆ
ಅಪರಾಧಿ ಎಲ್ಲೆಂದು ಹುಡುಕಾಡಿ ಹುಲಿಯಂತೆ
ಹೋರಾಡುವಾ ಬಾ ಓ ಗೆಳೆಯ
ಪ್ರೇಮ ಪ್ರೀತಿ ನನ್ನುಸಿರು ನ್ಯಾಯ ನೀತಿ ನನ್ನುಸಿರು

ಹೂವಂತೆ ಮೃದುವಾಗಬಲ್ಲೆ ಮುಳ್ಳಂತೆ ಮೊನಚಾಗಬಲ್ಲೆ
ಸಿಹಿಯಾಗಬಲ್ಲೆ ವಿಷದಂತೆ ಕಹಿಯಾಗಬಲ್ಲೆ
ಬಾಳೋದು ಹೇಗೆಂದು ನಾ ಬಲ್ಲೆ ಆಳೋದು ಹೇಗೆಂದು ಬಲ್ಲೆ
ಪ್ರೀತಿ ಪ್ರೀತಿಗೆ ರೋಷ ರೋಷಕೆ ನಮ್ಮ ರೀತಿಯೆನ್ನುವಾ

ವಾಟ್ ಈಸ್ ಲೈಫ್ ಲೈಫ್ ಈಸ್ ಎ ಡ್ಯೂಟಿ
ದೆನ್ ಪರ್ಫಾರ್ಮ್ ಇಟ್ ಐ ಸೇ

ಬಾಳು ಎಂದೂ ಹೂವಲ್ಲಾ ಬಾಳು ಎಂದೂ ಮುಳ್ಳಲ್ಲಾ
ಕಾಣೋದು ನಿಜವಲ್ಲ ಮಾತೆಲ್ಲಾ ಮುತ್ತಲ್ಲ
ಕಾಲಕ್ಕೆ ತಕ್ಕಂತೆ ಜಗದಲ್ಲಿ
ಬಾಳೆಂಬುವಾ ಈ ಹಾದಿಯಲಿ
ಪ್ರೇಮ ಪ್ರೀತಿ ನನ್ನುಸಿರು ನ್ಯಾಯ ನೀತಿ ನನ್ನುಸಿರು

ಸವಿಯಾದ ಮಾತಾಡಬಲ್ಲೆ ಕವಿಯಾಗಿ ನಾ ಹಾಡಬಲ್ಲೆ
ಸಂತೋಷ ನಾ ಹಂಚಬಲ್ಲೆ ನೋವೆಲ್ಲಾ ನಾ ನುಂಗಬಲ್ಲೆ
ತಂಗಾಳಿ ನಾನಾಗಿ ಬರಬಲ್ಲೆ ಬಿರುಗಾಳಿ ನಾನಾಗಬಲ್ಲೆ
ಎಲ್ಲೆ ನೀನಿರು ಹೇಗೆ ನೀನಿರು ಎಂದೂ ಸ್ನೇಹದಿಂದಿರು

ಸೋ ವಾಟ್ ಈಸ್ ಲೈಫ್ ಲೈಫ್ ಈಸ್ ಎ ಗೇಮ್
Read 6 tweets
26 Apr
What Modi government has done for healthcare questioned Lutyens Elite?
India recorded 5 lakh child deaths annually (2009 Data) due to vaccine preventable diseases. As a strategic endeavor, this government launched #MissionIndradhanush when they were yet to learn how to spell
Do read about this wonderful initiative launched by @PMOIndia @JPNadda on 25th Dec 2014 which has delivered exemplary results.
To prevent Mortality & Morbidity rate in Children,
Immunization Prog was introduced in 1978 as ‘Expanded Programme of Immunization’ (EPI).
In 1985, the programme was modified as ‘Universal Immunization Programme’ (UIP) to be implemented in phased manner to cover all districts in the country by 1989-90.
Despite being operational for many years, UIP has been able to fully immunize only 65% children in the first year
Read 19 tweets
26 Apr

In any other country, this Doctor would've received highest civilian awards for his contribution for his services.
Alas, this is India!

Story of Dr A V Baliga, Surgeon, Freedom Fighter who fought against British & Portuguese.

Dr. A. V. Baliga was born on April 26, 1904

in Kallianpur, Udupi.
Finishing his primary education at his village, Baliga joined Christian High School in Udupi.
In 1920, when MKG gave a call to students to leave educational institutions run by the British, Baliga left the school, and he was not readmitted because

he was the leader who called for boycott.

Subsequently, he joined the National School in Udupi, which was affiliated to the Gujarat Vidyapeeth, a nationalist institute.

Dr. Baliga passed his matriculation, but since the British did not recognize that matriculation, he
Read 14 tweets
26 Apr
Srinivasa Ramanujan.

Ramanujan was a child prodigy and a mathematical genius. Irrespective of having little or no access to having exposure to advanced mathematics, he turned out to be genius as a kid!
Ramanujan could not survive for long, He joined Lotus's Feet at the age of 33 on April 20, 1920, but even in his short-lived life, he etched a mark in the world of Mathematics that nobody can beat.

After his untimely demise, people close to him found a treasure! This treasure
was nothing materialistic but something which was, even more, precious! He left behind a 'notebook' with merely summaries & results in it, with little or no proofs - his personal notebook. 

The first notebook had 351 pages with 16 organised chapters & some unorganized material.
Read 4 tweets

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