The family are concerned that publicity from the Inquiry will interfere with their right to private life so have asked for his real name to be restricted.
They are concerned about 'unscrupulous individuals' who were around him in later life, who might try to 'cash in' on this association by selling (untrue) stories to the press.
They are also concerned about the possibility of other police officers making connections due to his undercover work, and sharing details of his deployments.
They say that before becoming an undercover, 'Pickford' was supplied with assurances that his true identity would never be disclosed, to ensure the safety of him and his family: “This was of paramount importance to him and he mentioned this to us many times” they say
He taught his children to be vigilant, not divulge information and to be suspicious of anyone seeking information, no matter how innocuous it seemed.
He talked about other police work, but never his undercover deployment.
After this ended, he took public-facing roles. His family believe this is because he felt his identity was secure.
After this ended, he took public-facing roles. His family believe this is because he felt his identity was secure.
They believe he infiltrated at least two groups that represented high levels of risk/ danger. One of these groups remains active now, in another form
. They are worried that people from these groups will try to target the family, physically or via the media / online. They believe they could easily be tracked down.
He radically changed his appearance,including growing his hair &voluminous beard.
He would disappear for long periods of time with no way of being contacted. No emergency contact details were provided to his wife, and no support during his absences were made details available
He would disappear for long periods of time with no way of being contacted. No emergency contact details were provided to his wife, and no support during his absences were made details available
We heard more about the impact on his family.
He parked his cover vehicle away from the family home, to which he returned during the evening and night - there would only be occasional contact prior to his arrival.
He parked his cover vehicle away from the family home, to which he returned during the evening and night - there would only be occasional contact prior to his arrival.
This caused considerable disruption to the family routine, especially given his children were very young at the time. They feel they have made enough sacrifices as a family for his work, which he saw as protection of the country.
To avoid compromising his cover, there were no going to joint social gatherings or having friends around to the home.
This left his wife extremely isolated while trying to raise her children,
as she had no family in the UK & so was reliant for support on close friends. As socialising, even with fellow police officers, was minimal, she was effectively a single parent, socially vulnerable & alone
as she had no family in the UK & so was reliant for support on close friends. As socialising, even with fellow police officers, was minimal, she was effectively a single parent, socially vulnerable & alone
There was no support from Special Branch.
While undercover, he began a relationship with another woman; this along with the strains that had been put on the family (by the demands of his #spycops deployment) led to their divorce a year after Pickford left the field.
He went on to marry the other woman, though it too ended in divorce some years later. She has not been traced, having remarried.
The Inquiry has confirmed that another, anonymous, undercover has now provided an account of being (tearfully) told by HN300 that he had fallen in love with a woman associated with his targets and wanted to tell her everything.
This officer says that they offered to act a conduit between HN300 and the SDS managers [UCPI0000034307].
HN300's wife and children did meet this other woman, and the children joined them on holidays. They noted that she sometimes called him 'Jimmy'. This indicates she had met him in his undercover identity.
The Inquiry has caused the family distress and anxiety, causing them to relive unhappy times.
This is exacerbated by needing to keep it from other family and friends. Having kept their obligations (of confidentiality about HN300's work), they now feel betrayed at the thought of this information being released, especially as it led to the collapse of that marriage.
HN300 adopted the name 'Jim Pickford' in order to infiltrate a number of groups, including anarchist ones.
He spent a year in Special Branch – including 'C Squad', the surveillance section - before joining the #spycops unit in the summer of 1974. He started off in the back-room, and by October was ready to be sent in to the 'field'.
His first reports show that he targeted radical newspapers (including 'Freedom', 'Lower Down', 'Up Against the Law' and 'Pavement') as well as local, grassroots groups around Battersea and Wandsworth in South West London.
These included the Battersea Park Action Group (BPAG), the Battersea Redevelopment Action Group (BRAG), and the Battersea & Wandsworth Trades Council Anti-Fascist Committee.
He then joined the Kingston branch of the Anarchist Workers Association (AWA) and helped set up a Wandsworth branch.
He was made Treasurer of this new group, which was renamed the South London branch after the original Kingston one 'collapsed'. Did he have anything to do with this collapse? We'll probably never know.
He spied on a number of other core participants, including Dave Morris [UCPI0000021496, UCPI0000017641].
He was particularly interested in Ernest Rodker, who he reported on throughout his deployment, providing many personal details including legal proceedings and birth of his son. It would appear that Rodker was the key focus of his deployment.
The Inquiry notes that there are
There are times when he cites some AWAs as having a willingness for violence to advance their aims, but it is all very rhetorical and about future revolutionary moments.
There are times when he cites some AWAs as having a willingness for violence to advance their aims, but it is all very rhetorical and about future revolutionary moments.
There is little in the reports to suggest any criminality or violence; the most tangible threat is a report of some members thinking about disrupting a Royal Navy recruitment event with stink bombs and smoke pellets [UCPI0000007604].
The lack of threat from these groups has been emphasised in the opening statement of Dave Morris, and the witness statement of Ernest Rodker.
His deployment ended in 1976.
HN300 is dead, so will not be giving any evidence to the #SpycopsInquiry
HN300 is dead, so will not be giving any evidence to the #SpycopsInquiry
We also heard about a statement provided by the widow of HN13. ucpi.org.uk/publications/f…
In it, she says that she knew the cover name used by her husband - 'Loader'. This identity was stolen from a dead child in Wiltshire
He never told her the full name he used while undercover - Desmond Barry Loader.
You can read a summary of HN13's deployment is on pages 180-184 of the Counsel to the Inquiry's opening statement: ucpi.org.uk/publications/c…
You can read a summary of HN13's deployment is on pages 180-184 of the Counsel to the Inquiry's opening statement: ucpi.org.uk/publications/c…
He joined the SDS from the wider Special Branch at the end of 1974, and his first deployment began in 1975.
His main target was the Communist Party of England (Marxist-Leninist) – henceforth referred to as the CPE.
His main target was the Communist Party of England (Marxist-Leninist) – henceforth referred to as the CPE.
He reported on anti-fascist activists, and the tactics outlined by one before a demo against the National Front (NF)
“There would be no eggs, tomatoes and flour – these would be replaced by stones, bottles and cans..."
“There would be no eggs, tomatoes and flour – these would be replaced by stones, bottles and cans..."
"The mounted police, a major hazard at such events, would be immobilised by designated pairs of members pulling the horses heads down by the reins” reads his report
He was at the event in August 1977 that became known as the 'Battle of Lewisham', and suffered a head injury there.
We know he was arrested twice during his deployment.
The first time was in Barking, East London, following a clash with the fash. He and 7 other anti-fascists were arrested (and battered by the uniformed police in the process).
The first time was in Barking, East London, following a clash with the fash. He and 7 other anti-fascists were arrested (and battered by the uniformed police in the process).
Desmond ‘Barry’ Loader is recalled by former CPE (M-L) party members, although with very little detail. They say he was known as ‘Barry’ rather than 'Desmond'. One member of the then CPE (M-L) applied for Core participant status but was refused.
Michael Chant, a member of the CPE (M-L) and now chair of its successor party commented on Loader:
“It was only at this time that Barry Loader [...] appeared and offered to help..."
“It was only at this time that Barry Loader [...] appeared and offered to help..."
"Given he had no known links to any progressive activity and his general bearing, he was immediately suspected of being an undercover policeman […] he was assigned to washing-up duties in the kitchen, large-scale cooking being required to feed the election volunteers.”
A note made of a meeting with Commander Buchanan in 2013 suggests that HN13 had difficulty reintegrating with the police following his deployment
You can also read a summary of HN300's deployment, on pages 175-180 of the Counsel to the Inquiry's opening statement: ucpi.org.uk/publications/c…
Finally, the Inquiry mentioned HN296, as they are publishing documents relating to him this week too. He used the name 'Geoff Wallace' to infiltrate the International Socialists (IS)
He spied on the Hammersmith branch and the Inner West London district from the summer of 1975 until the autumn of 1978. He also reported on the Trade Union Committee Against Prevention of Terrorism Act and may have reported on the Anti-Nazi League.
HN296’s cover name was that of a deceased child. He held a driver’s licence using the name and date of birth of this deceased child during the course of his deployment.
Wallace lives abroad and has been unable to view all the intelligence reports attributed to him – or submit a written statement – which is expected at a later date.
Wallace reported on some militant anti-facist direct actions in 1977 – and the CTI's summary seems to suggest that this justifies his deployment.
Spying on schoolkids:
The first report in the possession of the Inquiry which is likely to be attributed to HN296 is dated 29 January 1976. It refers to students at Chiswick Comprehensive School’s & their intention to organise a Right to Work Campaign meeting
The first report in the possession of the Inquiry which is likely to be attributed to HN296 is dated 29 January 1976. It refers to students at Chiswick Comprehensive School’s & their intention to organise a Right to Work Campaign meeting
He also appears to have reported on a meeting of the Save Acton Hospital Campaign group. Is protesting hospital closures really 'subversive'?
He became Treasurer of the Hammersmith Branch of IS, and may have reported on lawyers representing IS.
Lindsay German, whose acceptance as a CP is being unfairly used by the Inquiry as a excuse to delay the next Inquiry hearings until 2022, is mentioned in one report attributable to HN296
Wallace reported on the formation of the Anti Nazi League (ANL) in 1978
You can read summaries of these officers in Appendix 2 of the Counsel to the Inquiry's opening statement of two weeks ago – see
ucpi.org.uk/publications/c…
The HN296 summary is on pages 184-191.
ucpi.org.uk/publications/c…
The HN296 summary is on pages 184-191.
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