What does this mean? Not much, arguably. State aid rules have always been a blunt tool to stop the abuse of EU tax havens, and these findings simply confirm that.
It looks like Lux won't have to tax Amazon EUR250m, and may have to tax Engie EUR120m. But none of that comes anywhere near the US$9 billion of corporate tax losses that Luxembourg imposes on other countries iff.taxjustice.net/#/profile/LUX
Luxembourg ranks 6th in our Corporate Tax Haven Index, and is one of *the* most committed jurisdictions in the world, in terms of procuring profit shifting at the expense of all other cthi.taxjustice.net/en/
None of Luxembourg's abuses, including secretive tax rulings for favoured multinationals and their big four accounting firm advisers, will get fixed through the state aid rules. They may rein in some excesses, but the substantial issue will remain.
How does this get fixed? Two main things, both open to the EU (and the OECD) - but both requiring commitment of major member states, which currently is in question...
First, make profit shifting much harder by changing the basis of international tax rules to a unitary approach that assesses the *global* profit of multinationals, and shares them as tax base between countries according to where the real activity is- not dodgy arm's length prices
The proposed Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB) would deliver on this - but agreement has from member states has been hard to find, because the multinational lobbyists know how much it would cost them.
The other element is the introduction (at EU level or wider) of a minimum effective tax rate (the METR is our alternative to the OECD's complex and internationally regressive pillar 2 proposal). taxjustice.net/press/biden-ta…
The difficulty here, again, is that France and Germany are lukewarm at best. Why? Not because they wouldn't like Luxembourg et al to stop robbing their tax revenues exactly, but more because their own multinationals remain fiercely opposed to paying their fair share.
OECD work to curb profit shifting has failed, since its inception in 2013, to deliver any significant progress: in the first phase, because major members insisted on keeping the arm's length principle; and now, because UK (+EU others?) are blocking Biden ambition of 21% minimum.
In any event, state aid rules are not the answer to the aggressive and anti-social behaviour of Luxembourg, Netherlands, Ireland and others in procuring profit shifting tax abuse at the expense of their neighbours. Those neighbours need to act - but that means overcoming lobbying
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Fascinating - both that ATAF is empowered to table its own proposal, following discussions with the US rather than the OECD, and also the detail: pointing towards a comprehensive apportionment of global profits of large multinationals...
Thinking more about @ATAFtax proposal, it seems highly significant. It returns to the spirit of G24 proposal which Inclusive Framework backed in early 2019 for OECD to evaluate (as 1 of 3). It was never evaluated, just discarded in favour of the secretariat's 'unified' proposal.
This new iteration creates a problem for the OECD, and for the G7 members who drive decisions there. It has become evident, again, that others are simply ignored. But the others are no longer standing quietly by...
As frustrated members made clear in 2020, the OECD Inclusive Framework does not make the decisions in the corporate tax negotiations they nominally lead, and nor even is it the G20 that gave the OECD the mandate - it is (still) the G7.
So where do they stand on Biden's 21% plan?
There are two important elements to this. First, do countries support a 21% minimum corporate tax rate? And second, do they support a fair distribution of the right to tax the undertaxed profits?
Starting with the US: safe to say, Biden administration supports Biden plan. That includes the 21% minimum rate; and at least opens the door to a distribution that doesn't give first bite at revenues to the headquarters country (hence GILTI/BEAT reforms). taxjustice.net/2021/04/08/300…
It is *very* difficult to understand why so much effort is being made to keep the Irish government onside in the OECD talks. If the talks deliver, the business model is bust - and the government's focus should be on finding a better future that doesn't rob others of revenues.
Ireland imposes large revenue costs on others - we estimate this one jurisdiction accounts for some 3.7% of the global losses due to tax abuse. iff.taxjustice.net/#/profile/IRL
As OECD negotiation on 'pillar 1' seem to be moving towards Biden administration's proposal that would not require global treaty change; and 'pillar 2' would be a coalition of the willing on a minimum tax rate - there'd no longer be an opportunity for Ireland or others to block.
This is quite something. The French government's position on the EU move to public country by country reporting for multinational companies, a key measure to curb profit shifting abuses, appears to have been captured entirely by... the business lobby.
The French government's two-pager on its negotiating position - its critical demands - has been leaked. According to the scoop in @Contexte, the metadata of the pdf reveal the hand not of diplomats or ministers, but of a senior employee of MEDEF - the French business lobby group.
This revelation gives us two things: first, we can look at the position that MEDEF has convinced the French government to take up, and see the priorities of the lobbyists; and second, we can understand a bit more the wider French government position on tax, including at the OECD.
It has long been something of a mystery why the OECD secretariat pushed 12.5% in the 'pillar 2' discussions.
One theory went like this.
The secretariat were committed, or saw the commitment of some major member states, to keep pillars 1 and 2 together. But pillar 1 (as the secretariat proposed it) needed treaty change, meaning Ireland etc could block. So to minimise that risk, pillar 2 had to be 'acceptable'...
History faces forwards as well as backwards. As we prepare for the second day of our #ImperialInequalities conference today, and our new @FPCThinkTank
piece is published, I've blogged on whether and how the UK could move beyond its imperial legacies taxjustice.net/2020/12/04/the…
Registration for day 2 of #ImperialInequalities is still open, and the events get underway in just over three hours
Dr Ndongo Samba Sylla @nssylla opens day 2 of #ImperialInequalities, with a keynote on 'Colonial macroeconomics: Then and now' in which he highlights the commonality between imperial approaches and contemporary economic policies