It is *very* difficult to understand why so much effort is being made to keep the Irish government onside in the OECD talks. If the talks deliver, the business model is bust - and the government's focus should be on finding a better future that doesn't rob others of revenues.
Ireland imposes large revenue costs on others - we estimate this one jurisdiction accounts for some 3.7% of the global losses due to tax abuse. iff.taxjustice.net/#/profile/IRL Global rankings graphic: Ireland ranks 11th on the CorporateHarm to other countries graphic: Ireland imposes $16 billion
As OECD negotiation on 'pillar 1' seem to be moving towards Biden administration's proposal that would not require global treaty change; and 'pillar 2' would be a coalition of the willing on a minimum tax rate - there'd no longer be an opportunity for Ireland or others to block.
So it is extraordinary to see a quote like this:

'Ireland is not a tax haven, it is an investment hub and is a key player in the OECD talks for this reason.'

Extraordinary, that is, because this quote comes not from the Irish finance minister, but *from the OECD*.

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More from @alexcobham

23 Apr
This is quite something. The French government's position on the EU move to public country by country reporting for multinational companies, a key measure to curb profit shifting abuses, appears to have been captured entirely by... the business lobby.
The French government's two-pager on its negotiating position - its critical demands - has been leaked. According to the scoop in @Contexte, the metadata of the pdf reveal the hand not of diplomats or ministers, but of a senior employee of MEDEF - the French business lobby group.
This revelation gives us two things: first, we can look at the position that MEDEF has convinced the French government to take up, and see the priorities of the lobbyists; and second, we can understand a bit more the wider French government position on tax, including at the OECD.
Read 21 tweets
22 Apr
This resolves one international tax mystery, but raises another set of questions.

It turns out that *France* proposed the trivially low 12.5% rate for a global minimum corporate tax... 🧵
It has long been something of a mystery why the OECD secretariat pushed 12.5% in the 'pillar 2' discussions.

One theory went like this.
The secretariat were committed, or saw the commitment of some major member states, to keep pillars 1 and 2 together. But pillar 1 (as the secretariat proposed it) needed treaty change, meaning Ireland etc could block. So to minimise that risk, pillar 2 had to be 'acceptable'...
Read 42 tweets
4 Dec 20
History faces forwards as well as backwards. As we prepare for the second day of our #ImperialInequalities conference today, and our new @FPCThinkTank
piece is published, I've blogged on whether and how the UK could move beyond its imperial legacies
taxjustice.net/2020/12/04/the…
Registration for day 2 of #ImperialInequalities is still open, and the events get underway in just over three hours
Dr Ndongo Samba Sylla @nssylla opens day 2 of #ImperialInequalities, with a keynote on 'Colonial macroeconomics: Then and now' in which he highlights the commonality between imperial approaches and contemporary economic policies
Read 23 tweets
3 Dec 20
We're now starting the first panel of our #ImperialInequalities conference, with @JuliaMcClure_ examining the role of 'welfare imperialism' in the Spanish empire.

>150 people viewing live, join them below!
Here's the full first panel #ImperialInequalities, with @JuliaMcClure_ (U. Glasgow) David Brown (Trinity) @madeline_woker (Brown U.) & Laura Channing (Cambridge) and moderated by @GKBhambra
At #ImperialInequalities, @JuliaMcClure_ highlights how ideas of 'charity' and 'welfare' were central to justifications for empire; and also created opportunities for private individuals to capture benefits, including through the abuse of charitable foundations to hold wealth
Read 21 tweets
6 Nov 20
This is fantastic - really impressive set of questions and issues raised on the international approach to illicit financial flows. There's a lot to say so I'll thread the replies here, bit by bit...
1. Why did the MDGs overlook non-aid finance? This was by design: the MDGs were driven by aid donors, and were largely conceived of as ensuring better alignment of donors and recipient states - setting common goals so aid would deliver more.
Here's Sakiko Fukuda-Parr on this point - whereas by 2015, the aid focus was widely understood as a central flaw in the MDGs, so the aim of the Sustainable Development Goals was to ensure much broader ownership & applying to countries at all income levels
researchgate.net/publication/29… Image
Read 57 tweets
20 Oct 20
Matt summarises very well the broadly non-ideological objections to what has just been achieved, in confirming corporate tax abuse as part of the illicit financial flows SDG target, so I'll try to thread a response with each of his points
So first, I don't think there really is much of this confusion around. People largely understand these are quite different phenomena; but they also recognise, rightly, that they depend on being hidden, and they do the same kinds of revenue & social damage
This is a point of disagreement. I saw that much of the pushback was *precisely* not to have corporate tax abuse addressed under either 16.4 *or* 17.1, but to keep it out of the SDGs entirely - on the grounds that the OECD had it covered. (Discuss.)
Read 10 tweets

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