I think @ThePlumLineGS has this exactly right: The protection of voting rights is a partisan issue – because democracy itself has become a partisan issue.

It’s the fundamental reality of American politics, and it’s worth putting in historical perspective. A few thoughts:
It’s crucial to understand what “democracy” meant in the U.S. before the civil rights legislation of the 1960s: A system that was fairly democratic if you happened to be a white Christian man – and something entirely different if you were not.
Until the 1960s, there was a pretty stable, bipartisan elite consensus that democracy should not interfere with the established power structure, and so the system was deliberately set up in a way that left white Christian male dominance largely untouched.
After World War II, that white elite consensus began to fracture and America split over the question of whether the country should become a liberal, multi-racial democracy: a system in which all citizens count equally and elect a representative government with majoritarian rules.
Over time, one party came to advocate this liberal, multi-racial version of democracy – while the other is committed to do whatever it takes to prevent what conservatives believe would be the downfall of “real” (read: white Christian patriarchal) America.
In a way, conservatives never changed their stance: They were on board with the version of democracy that America always used to be – just not with implementing the version that the country has sometimes aspired to become and often pretended to be since the founding.
Why are conservatives radicalizing against democracy now? Because they understand and feel that America has been changing away from reactionary and towards liberal, multi-racial democracy.
The election of Barack Obama in 2008 marked a cesura. To many conservatives, it came as a shock and personal offence: It seemed to represent the impending triumph of multiracial pluralism – and thus, in their view, the downfall of “real” America.
In response, conservatives are radicalizing, yes – but what we’re seeing is not a departure, not a break. It’s simply not plausible to assume that Republicans who favor Trumpist authoritarian rule were on board with the idea of liberal, multi-racial democracy until recently.
Rather than going from "pro-democratic" to "anti-democratic," conservatives are shifting from "on board with this reactionary version of democracy" to "determined to prevent liberal multi-racial democracy."
The glass-half-full reading of recent U.S. history is that reactionary forces are radicalizing because America really has become more liberal, more pluralistic, and is closer to being a truly multi-racial democracy than it’s ever been.
That is something that is often overlooked in the "crisis of liberal democracy" discourse. Too often, it is assumed that the country used to be, until recently, a functioning liberal democracy and that this system has now come under fire.
The U.S., however, has never fulfilled the promise of establishing a system in which all citizens – regardless of race, gender, or religion – count equally and elect a representative government, certainly not in practice. Nor has any other country, for that matter.
So there’s a historic chance here: To demonstrate to the world that a stable multiracial democracy is possible. But it’s also an acutely dangerous situation in which reactionary forces might well succeed in establishing authoritarian minority rule.
Unless the system is dramatically democratized, there won’t be many more chances to stop America’s slide into authoritarianism through elections. @ThePlumLineGS is completely right: If Joe Manchin doesn’t understand that or doesn’t care, we’re in deep, deep trouble.

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More from @tzimmer_history

18 May
I went on the @DinDpodcast alongside @ConStelz for a wide-ranging discussion about the state of democracy in a transatlantic perspective.

If you’re interested in the past, present, and possible future of pluralistic democracy, I promise this episode is for you.
We covered a lot of ground – topics include:

- Angela Merkel’s legacy – and how worried should we be about the future of German democracy?
- Has the pandemic taught us anything about the ability of democracies to handle collective action crises?
- ...
Also:

- The dangers of the “politics of anticipated backlash”
- Why we should be more skeptical of established narratives of democracy’s supposed triumph after the end of the Cold War, the rise of “populism,” or the “crisis” of liberal democracy in the 21st century
- ...
Read 6 tweets
15 May
What I find so persuasive is the combination of a complete lack of nuance, the absence of any informed assessment of the risks and pitfalls of the “No more masks” policy, and the abundance of self-righteousness.
For real though, here are just a few issues you might have expected the founder of Persuasion to address if he wanted to make a serious effort to, you know, *persuade* people:
The fact that fully vaccinated people have a very low chance of getting sick, but it’s not zero, and more importantly, there’s a chance they might still spread the virus. Which is why many in the medical community are critical of the new guidelines and will continue to wear masks
Read 11 tweets
14 May
This is such an important observation - and it points to a failure among some who categorically reject the idea of fascism in the present-day U.S. to adapt their analysis to the specific conditions of 21st century America.
There are many strands of the debate over whether or not what we’re seeing on the Trumpist / Far Right can adequately be described as “fascism.” Many of the prevailing arguments are based on a comparison to fascism’s rise in the European interwar period.
One prominent argument holds that fascism can only arise in response to the threat of a Far Left takeover that ultimately compels the Center-Right to make common cause with the fascists. This is indeed what enabled Mussolini and Hitler to take power.
Read 12 tweets
13 May
Thread: On polarization, “consensus,” and multiracial democracy in American history.

I’m writing a book about the idea of “polarization” and how it has shaped recent American history. @JakeMGrumbach is making a crucial point here, and I’d like to add a few thoughts: 1/
First of all, @JakeMGrumbach is right: Political “consensus” was usually based on a bipartisan agreement to leave the discriminatory social order intact and deny marginalized groups equal representation and civil rights. A white male elite consensus was the historical norm. 2/
The frequently invoked “consensus” of the post-World War II era, for instance, was depending on both parties agreeing that white patriarchal rule would remain largely untouched. “Civility” was the modus operandi between elites who adhered to that order. 3/
Read 21 tweets
10 May
Republicans are not cowards, but true believers - and pretending otherwise “risks misleading the country about the true depths of GOP radicalization.”

@ThePlumLineGS is making a crucial point - and addresses a key question: What is animating the Republican assault on democracy?
As @ThePlumLineGS argues, the idea that Republicans are just scared of Trump is utterly unconvincing analytically, as it simply doesn’t explain their current actions - and, one might add, also ignores the longstanding anti-democratic impulses and tendencies on the Right.
The “cowardice” tale is useful, of course: It provides cover for Republicans (better a coward than a far-right extremist); and it allows the news media to cling to the conception of the GOP as a “normal” democratic party that is just dealing with an authoritarian insurrection.
Read 18 tweets
10 May
Agreed. One dimension of this divide is that there is a type of self-proclaimed Very Serious Person - quite prevalent in all political camps - to whom warnings of authoritarianism smack of Trump-induced “alarmism,” of an unsophisticated fixation on Trump. The VSPs are wrong.
It’s true, of course, that a fixation on Trump can easily result in a misleading tale that portrays him as an aberration, separating him from longer-term trends and tendencies on the American Right.
Instead of dismissing Trump, however, the answer should be to focus on how dangerous those broader tendencies are, on how the same energies and anxieties that have animated the conservative movement for a long time fueled Trump’s rise.
Read 5 tweets

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