There was a recent exchange on whether MMT prescribes a certain size deficit. As @KarlWiderquist argues here, the answer is no. But I would go even further.
MMT does not prescribe or aim to estimate a specific size of 'desirable' govt deficit for several reasons.
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The deficit is not under govt's control. Govt can appropriate budgets, but cannot control actual spending. Some line items are automatic. Govt can set tax rates, but cannot control size of tax collections. They are endogenously determined by changing incomes, profits, etc.
Deficit are countercyclical and must change with conditions. Goal is to design effective automatic stabilizers, not hit a specific deficit size in any given accounting period.
Deficits reflect other factors beyond the public sector's control (e.g., domestic non-govt or foreign sector net saving).
Even if we could estimate/forecast saving desires, should govt policy accommodate them?
Well it depends. The saving desires of the well-off in an economy of runaway inequality? No.
Supporting financial asset creation & growth for those at the bottom of the distribution? Yes.
This too is contingent on context/need/institutional structure.
What if net saving is 'too low'. Full employment, high incomes, strong spending, rising inflation, a la postwar era? Then govt will need to reduce its own contribution to the economy AND encourage high saving/deferred spending schemes in the private sector.
Clearly austerity has meant cutting overall spending and cutting it in the wrong places. So while a strong case can be made for much bigger government spending, and we can estimate what the economy can accommodate in terms of real resources, there is no magic number.
I'd also argue that, if fiscal policy had a 'bottom up' design, with very robust spending on specific dimensions of economic insecurity, we would have gotten profoundly different/better results for any given size of deficit we have seen in recent past.
MMT insists we pursue a nuanced analysis that focuses on where/how policy should direct spending, not estimate 'appropriate size' of deficit. As we've always said, accounting ratios are NOT an appropriate policy objective.
While recent discussions have correctly shifted the focus from size of the deficit to inflation effect of spending (in large part thanks to MMT), I'd urge us to also look at the distributional effects of govt spending. That too is a litmus test for policy effectiveness. /end
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Postwar "Keynesianism" prioritized govt support for private industry & dropped the direct govt employment efforts after the New Deal/WWII. This was a mistake. No direct job creation featured here though there's potential in Biden's platform nytimes.com/2021/02/11/mag…
If "bold efforts" end up meaning only large govt spending, be prepared to be disappointed.
While green manufacturing is critical, manuf employs only 8% of workers. Double it. Impact will still be small. Service sector employs 80%. Tis where the pain is: unstable, poorly paid jobs
if we're going to transform the labor market, services have to be the focus. Where is the plan for stable, well paid service sector jobs? They are what most people live on.
(btw not even China can count on manuf for EMPLOYMENT growth)
$600/wk Unemployment Insurance cannot deliver the benefits of a $600/wk Job Guarantee. From the outset, I should say JG is not a replacement for UI, no matter what you may have heard. I’ll get to this later, but read this long 🧶 w/ that in mind.
Automatic stabilization: Both $600/wk UI and JG will provide counter cyclical spending. But UI will be weaker. Counter-cyclical stabilization is not just about the absence of income. It is also about the transmission and structure of economy
Firms don't like to hire the unemployed. Mass and long-term unemployment make the problem worse. JG would recover labor markets much faster than a UI of the same amount, both b/c of the higher direct, induced & tertiary employment effects & b/c of private firm hiring preferences.
Have you heard that it's hostile or antithetical to welfare or unions? Let me try to help.
1. The JG is a missing piece of the welfare safety net, an add-on, not a replacement. We
strengthen the welfare system by adding an "employment option". I have a whole book about it: amazon.com/Case-Job-Guara…
2. If folks have no retirement income, we guarantee it (SocSec)
If kids need access to education, we guarantee it (pub educ)
If someone wants a job, training and UI aren't enough, We should guarantee that a basic job is avail.
(we need other guarantees too: housing, m4a)
"The private sector always does things 'better' than the public sector" is a perennial and pernicious argument. There is of course no 'natural law' that makes this so. But defending it often rests on a confusion between Administration and Purpose.
FedEx is 'better' than #USPS, private charter schools are 'better' than public schools, a private payments system is 'better' than one run by the Fed, private banking is 'superior' to public banking... you get the gist
The idea is that the public sector cannot manage admin complexity, which is nonesense (Military, anyone?).
The fundamental fact is that some services must be guaranteed to ALL. Full stop. And guarantees can only be provided by the public sector that holds the public purse strings
It was great to speak with @petersgoodman about a Nordic style rescue of the US economy. We ran a few thought experiments. Here are some thoughts that didn’t make it in the article nytimes.com/2020/03/28/bus…
1st the US can budget/pay for ANY amount that's appropriated for whatever reason.
Peter asked “what if the govt paid all US payroll for a time?” My answer: "it would amount to nationalizing the payroll & would make the govt the Employer of First Resort"
What would it cost? One back-of-envelope calculation: 157mil employed ppl in the US x median income of $63,700 (2019) = approx $10Trillion for a year of payroll subsidy. I'd add $500b for #JobGuarantee (our @LevyEcon estimate) to support the unemployed w/ stable, living income.