Still economically trivial for the UK to join the CPTPP given we have or will have trade deals with all who have currently ratified, it is biased towards supply chains in, er the Pacific, and expanding the text is unlikely. But mostly harmless as well. gov.uk/government/new…
In global trade terms the likes of Canada, Japan, New Zealand, Chile are likely to have similar views to the UK, though unclear whether the latter, or Malaysia, will in fact ever ratify CPTPP is an issue. There are only 7 active members of CPTPP. fta.miti.gov.my/index.php/page…
There are issues with CPTPP text. Most particularly it includes the controversial Investor State Dispute Settlement, and there is a clash with the European Patent Convention which may cause damage to the UK's patent sector if we withdraw from the latter. committees.parliament.uk/publications/6…
Neither is the CPTPP a particularly advanced trade agreement in areas like services or climate change. That's why some members seek new agreements outside of the CPTPP, such as an agreement on environmental goods. Which the UK doesn't seem to want to join.
Of course the biggest issue with the CPTPP is that it assists particularly those companies with trans-Pacific supply chains. The UK is mostly involved in European supply chains. And that's why the economic impact is trivial. It could even be negative.
It should also be added that member countries do not expect to just green light the UK's membership request to join the CPTPP, concerns have been expressed by some of them about our intentions. We're the first, so expect a tough process. But we'll probably join.
In summary then, we'll probably join the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans Pacific Partnership. It will probably do little for the economy as a whole as we already have deals. But politically these are countries we want strong trade relations with.
Trade agreements without an economic and industrial strategy = what exactly? @t0nyyates @TorstenBell
PS in what appears to be a deliberate decision, no headline GDP percentage growth figure is given for UK CPTPP accession. But it appears to be approximately 0.1% from my rough calculations. assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/upl…
If CPTPP grows to include other countries there is a significant GDP boost, though this seems questionably high. No estimate is given for the current active CPTPP membership of 7 countries. Given we have or will trade deals with all, probably not much.
Unfortunately, and this is very sad to see, the Department for International Trade's economic modelling capability is being deemed to produce politically inconvenient results which must therefore be distorted. As a consequence this impact assessment must be treated with care.
Illustration of the limitations of the UK's CPTPP accession. Here is the likely percentage GDP uplift for existing members from the UK joining. Not given for the UK, but.. If UK figures mirror these, Malaysia and Brunei never ratifying CPTPP makes value to UK 0.05% GDP or less.
Three big issues identified here - ISDS, patents, data. I'd add rules of origin / cumulation, which is much more set up for Japan and Vietnam than the UK, and voluntary standards, where I think there is still a risk to UK participation in European bodies
It would be nice if the UK government engaged seriously on a number of difficult issues related to CPTPP accession, but all previous experience is that this is unlikely to happen at political level, and there's a limit to what officials can do if that happens.

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More from @DavidHenigUK

23 Jun
So much for the great renegotiation.
A UK-EU relationship stuck between the dream of divergence and the reality of the large neighbouring power, with the Northern Ireland protocol as only the most visible sign of this. It carries on like this until the government understands the problem. None have in 5 years.
In his way only Boris Johnson can hold this Brexit together. Because the contradiction between promise* and reality is otherwise unbridgeable, as we saw before 2019.

* - the promise of total freedom from the EU, not necessarily of non-membership
Read 10 tweets
22 Jun
Better from England, but still going to have to improve a lot further to be real contenders.
Of course. But since they also thought tough talk led to the success of the Northern Ireland protocol in the first place there is probably no escape from the UK government belief in talking tough. Never mind that the protocol was not in fact renegotiated.
It might actually be that eventually the UK government wins the battle to move sausages from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, and the protocol otherwise remains exactly as was. In that situation, who won?
Read 5 tweets
22 Jun
We should worry that MPs didn't understand how treaties worked when they voted for such an important one, and even more that it isn't obvious they understand them better now.
In two years time MPs may be saying they didn't understand the UK-Australia trade deal was actually a treaty that we couldn't just break when we felt like it. Or CPTPP perhaps.
I don't think Parliament and the Select Committee system as currently constituted is fit to scrutinise the complex realities of modern government, notwithstanding the fine work of many at all levels. Add another to the 'too difficult' pile though.
Read 4 tweets
22 Jun
Seeing a lot of suggestions that UK negotiators can't be very good because we didn't get a good deal from the EU or Australia. Which is to assume that the main problems in negotiations is the other side.

It isn't. Negotiating with your own side is much harder.
Let us say, hypothetically, that a Prime Minister is primarily concerned with completing a deal, doesn't really care about the details, just wants it done. And the other side knows that. Your objectives are set, there isn't a lot you can do about it.
There is nothing more important in negotiations that having detailed objectives with widespread internal support. That takes some doing.

Then getting everyone, including political leaders, to stick to them. Under pressure. That's really hard.
Read 4 tweets
21 Jun
That the UK needs a coherent trade strategy has been obvious since Brexit. But coherence between competing policy objectives is not something this government does. So farmers will have to follow regulations and imports will not. And que sera sera. ft.com/content/da40fe…
For some years of course the government didn't want to admit there could be problems with trade deals, or indeed how complex they were, as this might suggest Brexit wasn't going to be an easy walk to a land paved with gold. But what's the excuse now?
In the absence of a trade strategy or even much of a conversation we have to regard UK agreements or decisions as provisional, which isn't much use for building up exports or attracting inward investment.
Read 4 tweets
21 Jun
A small nugget in a Times interview of Liz Truss on Saturday, in which she said "we're not going to be in the business of EU-style regulatory imperialism... telling other countries how to run their farms" is a strong message behind which lies continued UK trade confusion... 1/
First, is the EU guilty of "regulatory imperialism"? The Brussels Effect of EU regulations becoming global norms was not a deliberate process, but increasingly the EU would like to make it so, meaning yes to a degree. But more on industrial goods than agriculture. 2/
The EU's "regulatory imperialism" on agriculture is to insist strongly on geographical indications in trade deals. Which the UK has followed in fact. Now the US, there's a country that has pursued "regulatory imperialism" in insisting other allow their food products in FTAs... 3/
Read 9 tweets

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