Tomorrow, @HouseJudiciary will mark up 5 bills to regulate big tech platforms. Two essentially impose common-carrier-style requirements, but are totally unmoored from basic common carriage principles
1) the American Choice and Innovation Online Act (HR 3816) & the Ending Platform Monopolies Act (HR 3825) both apply broadly to the offerings of the five biggest tech companies just because they're big
That's not how common carriage works. It's not about size or market cap...
1a) HR 3816 replicates the "no reasonable discrimination" provision at the heart of common carriage (eg 47 USC 202(a)) while HR 3825 goes far beyond structural separation imposed on common carriers
Both bills use common carrier concepts in radically new ways
2) These bills authorize civil penalties for violations of amorphous standards borrowed from common carriage law—standards that have never been subject to enforcement through penalties
This likely violates the Fifth Amendment’s due process principles and the Fair Notice doctrine
2a) In general, in common carriage law, "penalties do not follow upon innocent mistakes" Am. Tel. & Tel. Co. v. United States, 299 U.S. 232, 245 (1936) (“the violation of the Act must have been knowing and willful.”)
2b) Here, the bespoke standards created by these laws deny regulated parties fair notice of what the law requires and are ripe for arbitrary enforcement. Expect these bills to become political weapons if they pass, used by both parties to coerce tech companies content decisions
3) These bills could regulate not only discriminatory business practices, but also editorial judgments inherent in the algorithmic ranking at the core of both search engines and social media, as well as the refusal to associate with content that platforms find objectionable
3a) This violates the First Amendment
This problem arises because these bills abandon the longstanding principle that “a carrier will not be a common carrier where its practice is to make individualized decisions in particular cases whether and on what terms to serve.” NARUC II
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The value app stores create isn't primarily economic: it's ensuring user trust by protecting the privacy of user data, the security of their devices, and even users' physical safety against those who might stalk them
App stores are especially important for families, protecting kids against a variety of threats, and empowering parents to decide what apps & media are appropriate for their kids
Parents simply did not have such powerful control before app stores launched in 2008
Justice Thomas jumped into the #Section230 debate to embrace GOP arguments for narrowing protections for content moderation. He might think differently in a case where the issues he raised were actually briefed by both sides—unlike this very narrow case
Thomas often issues such statements when SCOTUS decides not to take a case—to vent his frustrations about the state of the law
But this is the first time SCOTUS has ever considered taking a case involving #Section230. The briefs here did not even address the issues Thomas raises
Justice Thomas is free to call for fuller briefing on Section 230’s meaning in, as he says, “an appropriate case,” but this is not that case. Justice Thomas had no need to express his own views, in extensive dicta, without the benefit of the briefing he acknowledges is needed.
#Section230 protects “tech platforms” just as it protects National Review’s site, or a user’s (ahem, Trump's) retweet of someone else’s defamatory statements
230 DOES Internet media differently from other print & broadcasting, because they ARE different
Traditional publishers review content pre-publication but Internet media just can’t b/c:
—SCALE: billions of pieces of content created daily
—SPEED: much content is real-time
WEBSITES AREN’T PUBLIC FORA: Supreme Court jurisprudence and case law DOES NOT support the EO’s claims that they are. The EO cites two cases that don’t apply to social media platforms:
1) Pruneyard (1980) was limited to shopping malls (very different from websites) and definitely wouldn’t be upheld by the Court today anyway, as made clear in Johnson v Twitter (2018) 2) Packingham (2017) is about restrictions on Internet imposed by STATE LAW, not private actors
1/6 @LindseyGrahamSC's #EARNIT Act would give AG Barr a blank check—via #Section230—to crack down on Internet services, effectively ban secure #encryption & impose other de facto mandates that could never get through Congress as legislation
2/6 AG Barr could use Graham’s bill to force Apple to give law enforcement a backdoor on iMessage, iCloud or even iPhones—effectively banning end-to-end encryption
3/6 #Section230 has never shielded child porn (CSAM) traffickers from federal prosecution, but Graham's bill would create vast new legal liability for websites—then use that liability to force them to do whatever the AG commands
Trump’s order would transform the FCC & FTC from consumer protection agencies into regulators of online speech
Rs complain about ‘censorship’ by private companies. But this order would mean REAL censorship, empowering regulators to decide what kinds of speech are allowed online
That the GOP, after decades of fighting government meddling in broadcasting, now wants its own Fairness Doctrine for the Internet is staggeringly hypocritical