The JCPOA is 6 years old today. Having spent a decent chunk of this time writing/arguing about it, I thought I’d offer a few reflections.

What’s most striking to me is people’s reluctance to recognize how hard it was to get the JCPOA and how rare of a success it was. 1/x
From 2003-2013, diplomatic negotiations repeatedly collapsed, Iran continuously expanded its enrichment program, “all options were on the table,” and the United States had to work hard to convince Israel not to conduct a preventive attack. 2/x
The deal that was finalized in 2015 substantially rolled back Iran’s nuclear capacity. You probably know the basics: 98% of enriched uranium eliminated, 2/3 of centrifuges removed, no enriching with advanced centrifuges, no reprocessing, stringent monitoring procedures, etc. 3/x
What many people don’t seem aware of is how historically unique this deal is: never before had the United States rolled back an adversary’s nuclear program that was so close to the weapons threshold —and done so diplomatically rather than through war. 4/x
While the US struck a deal to dismantle Libya’s nuclear program in 2003, it had made very little progress at the time so Qaddafi wasn’t giving up nearly as much as Iran did a decade later. 5/x
The US also rolled back Iraq’s nuclear program in the 1990s but it too was much less advanced than Iran’s in 2013. And it was done mostly through brute force, not diplomacy, leaving more space for uncertainty about intentions that helped justify the 2003 war. 6/x
The closest analogue to the JCPOA is probably the 1994 Agreed Framework with North Korea, which defused a serious nuclear crisis peacefully. 7/x
Yet even this deal was less impressive than the JCPOA: it required North Korea to freeze rather than roll back capabilities and allowed Pyongyang to keep the significant amount of plutonium it had already produced. 8/x
None of this history stopped critics from attacking the JCPOA as “too weak”—whether due to its sunset provisions, failure to totally end enrichment in Iran, or failure to address Iran’s non-nuclear behavior. 9/x
Yet all of this misses the point: there is essentially no historical precedent for believing a significantly better deal was possible with an adversary like Iran with decades of mistrust of the US. 10/x
When Trump withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018 and imposed “maximum pressure”, I opposed the move—given that Iran had been complying and that it would almost certainly lead Iran to ramp up its nuclear program as it had been pre-2013. 11/x
Trump’s move gave JCPOA critics an opportunity to test the theory they could get a “better deal.” Instead, Iran dramatically expanded its nuclear program on multiple fronts and the U.S. and Iran came close to war on multiple occasions. 12/x
Despite this massive policy failure, once Biden assumed the presidency, JCPOA opponents continued to argue that Biden should seek a “better deal” rather than seeking to rejoin—flying in the face not of only of decades-old historical precedent but also the *last three years* 13/x
Even now, as negotiations on reviving the JCPOA drag on and Iran enriches to 60% and produces uranium metal, you still hear calls for a “better deal”—even though the reality is that no deal at all is probably more likely than an enhanced agreement at this stage. 14/x
I don’t have any profound way of concluding this thread, other than to say that the opposition to the JCPOA is just one example of the hubris that has often driven U.S. policy toward adversaries with nuclear ambitions since 9/11.

More on that here: warontherocks.com/2021/01/the-le…

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More from @Nick_L_Miller

25 Jan 20
Everyone is (rightly) focusing on the portion of @NPRKelly's interview with Pompeo that focused on Ukraine, but she also held his feet to the fire on Iran policy more effectively than I've seen from any journalist. npr.org/2020/01/24/798…

Some highlights below.
@NPRKelly "You use the word pressure. This is the maximum pressure campaign that President Trump put into place a year and a half ago when he pulled out of the nuclear deal. But in that year and a half, Iran has behaved more provocatively, not less. So is maximum pressure working?"
@NPRKelly "Since the president came to office, Iran has moved closer to a nuclear weapons capability...If the plan is to keep Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, how do you do that when they're not abiding by the limits of the old deal and there's no new deal in sight?"
Read 6 tweets
8 Jan 20
Hannity's opening monologue called for U.S. air strikes against Iranian oil facilities and nuclear sites. Yikes. 😳
Lindsey Graham calls Iranian attack an "act of war" on Hannity and says president needs to "restore deterrence."

In response, Hannity says "if we don't react, we're incentivizing more" Iranian aggression.
Graham calls Iranians "religious Nazis" who want to "kill all the Jews."

Hannity says, "I don't want protracted wars" and "I don't want boots on the ground" but negotiation seems impossible.

Graham says "price paid by Iranians needs to go up" and threatens Iran's oil industry.
Read 11 tweets
3 Apr 19
Yesterday, the State Department’s point person on Iran, Brian Hook, held a press briefing on US policy toward Tehran. state.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2…

Like much of the administration’s Iran policy, it is filled with contradictions and misleading statements. A quick thread. 1/x
Let’s start with the contradictions. Much of Hook’s statement celebrates the punitive impact of US sanctions, including forcing 100+ companies out of Iran, “taking with them billions of dollars in investment” and triggering Iran’s “most severe economic crisis in 40 years.” 2/x
After detailing the economic pain US sanctions have caused, Hook then pivots to claiming, “the economic crisis is largely of the regime’s own making” due to its economic policies. This, of course, contradicts the prior claims about the mighty power of US sanctions. 3/x
Read 12 tweets
30 Oct 18
Yesterday, "the Good ISIS" released a new report on Iran’s nuclear program, using evidence from the Israeli-seized “Atomic Archive” in Tehran to cast doubt on Iran’s intentions: isis-online.org/isis-reports/d… But the major points are not new and reinforce the case for JCPOA. 1/9
The ISIS report strangely frames its analysis around the 2007 NIE which judged that Iran had ended its nuclear weapons work in 2003. If this is your prior, then it would be important to learn that Iran continued nuclear weapons work after that date. But we already knew that. 2/9
In 2010, Obama administration officials, as well as US allies, concluded that work on nuclear weapons had indeed continued, albeit “on a smaller scale.” Indeed, this was part of the logic for ratcheting up the sanctions which ultimately led to JCPOA. nytimes.com/2010/01/03/wor… 3/9
Read 9 tweets

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